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October 2007 Fight for Power to
Workers and Peasants Councils!
Trotskyism vs. “Constituent Assembly”
ManiaPetrograd Soviet in 1917. For the Bolsheviks, the call for constituent assembly was a tactical demand against anti-democratic regimes not an all-purpose slogan for all times. Trotskyists fight for the program of the October Revolution, power to workers and peasants councils (soviets). Over the last several years, calls for the establishment of a constituent assembly have been increasingly heard in various countries of Latin America. Most recently around the mass strike and quasi-uprising in Oaxaca, Mexico during May-November 2006, demands were raised by the Popular Assembly of the Peoples of Oaxaca (APPO) and a host of left groups for a constituent assembly, a “revolutionary constituent assembly,” a “democratic and popular national constituent assembly,” etc. Although a constituent assembly elected by universal suffrage is no more than a bourgeois-democratic demand, it has been put forward by revolutionary communists in fighting against a variety of pre-capitalist and colonial regimes or bonapartist dictatorships. It was one of the key planks of V.I. Lenin’s Bolsheviks in tsarist Russia, in the 1905 Revolution for example, until it was superseded as the central demand by “all power to the soviets” in the course of 1917. Trotsky raised the call for a national assembly in China under the warlords, while emphasizing that it would only be part of a program for the taking of power by workers and peasants councils (soviets). But the current deluge of calls for a constituent assembly in ostensibly bourgeois-democratic regimes is counterposed to Bolshevism. It replaces the program of proletarian revolution with that of (capitalist) “democracy,” a hallmark of social democrats everywhere. In
its various formulations, the slogan harks back to the 18th century
French
Revolution when the Third Estate (representing the rising bourgeois and
petty-bourgeois forces) formed a National Constituent Assembly in June
1789 to
sweep away the remains of the Old Regime (ancien régime),
of an
absolutist monarchy atop a decaying feudal social order. Their initial
aim was
to establish a constitutional monarchy to put an end to the chaotic
conditions
which impeded the growth of a national market, with power to be shared
between
the king and the assembly. But revolutionary events soon outstripped
the plans
of the bourgeois “moderates.” By 1792 the National Assembly had been
replaced
by the National Convention led by the Jacobins under Robespierre. With
the
further development of capitalism, the working class came to the
fore. By
the time of the June Days of the 1848 Revolution in France, the
National Assembly became
the
focal point of bourgeois reaction against the proletarian
uprising. In Germany and Austria as well, bourgeois
constituent
assemblies in Berlin, Vienna and Frankfurt in 1848 made their peace
with the
forces of reaction out of fear of workers revolution. Generically,
a constituent assembly is not simply a parliament but a body which
would set up
(constitute) a state structure, for example, by issuing a constitution.
In
France, the second, third and fourth republics were all established by
constituent assemblies. In Latin America today, demands for such an
assembly
are typically accompanied by calls to “refound” the country. It can be
a key demand
in a country where whole sections of the population have been excluded
from
exercising democratic rights (for example, in Ecuador the large Indian
population was effectively disenfranchised until 1978 by requirements
that voters
be literate in Spanish). It is also appropriate where a feudal or
semi-feudal social structure prevents the vast mass of the rural
population
from any participation, with landless peasants tied to the landed
estates
through debt peonage, such as in Mexico prior to the 1910-17 Mexican
Revolution. In such cases demands for a “national convention” or
constituent
assembly to resolve the land question through agrarian revolution,
eliminate
clerical domination of education and carry out other democratic tasks
can be
powerful levers to rouse the masses to revolutionary action. The same
could be
true in the struggle to bring down military dictatorships, as held sway
in much
of Latin America in the 1970s. Supporters
of Evo Morales march to defend Constituent Assembly, December 15. To
defeat right-wing reaction what is needed is revolutionary class mobilization, fighting for a
workers, peasants and Indian government. (Photo:
Juan Karita/AP) But
to raise the call for a constituent assembly in Ecuador or Mexico
today, where
the formal structures of bourgeois democracy, however stunted, exist
and
semi-feudal latifundia have long-since been replaced by
capitalist agriculture,
would be to call to “refound” the country on a bourgeois basis
when what
is called for is socialist revolution. In Bolivia, the Movement
Toward
Socialism (MAS) of Evo Morales campaigned for a constituent assembly,
in order
to foster the illusion that it was calling for fundamental change while
not
touching the capitalist foundations of the country. This demand
was then
repeated by various left groups that tailed after the MAS, in an effort
to
pressure Morales to the left and pick up support among his plebeian
followers.
In the 2003 and 2005 worker-peasant uprisings that brought the country
to the
brink of insurrection, we noted that what was called for was not a
bourgeois-democratic constituent assembly (or even a left-sounding
“people’s
assembly”) but the formation of workers and peasants councils (soviets)
to
serve as the basis for a revolutionary worker/peasant/indigenous
government. We
also noted that while Bolivia was the continental champion in the
number of
coups d’état, it also led in the number of constituent
assemblies or congresses
(at least 19 by our count)1.
So Morales was elected in December 2005, and thereupon called the
constituent
assembly he had long promised. What was the result? Right-wing racists
have
hijacked the assembly to push their reactionary demands for regional
autonomy
from the Indian-dominated highlands (altiplano). So
while in certain contexts it is appropriate for communists to call for
a constituent
assembly, this demand is by no means inherently
revolutionary-democratic. On
occasion, it can even serve as a cover for “democratic”
counterrevolution. Our
tendency, the League for the Fourth International (LFI), and the
International
Communist League/international Spartacist tendency (ICL/iSt) from which
we
originated, has had some experience with this issue. In an article,
“Why a
Revolutionary Constituent Assembly” (Workers Vanguard No. 221,
15
December 1978) we noted that when in Chile the Pinochet dictatorship
staged a
plebiscite and the Christian Democrats (DC) were talking of replacing
the
dictator with a reformed military junta, we denounced the rigged vote,
calling
for a revolutionary constituent assembly and to smash the junta through
workers
revolution. Our article, by the Organización Trotskista
Revolucionaria of
Chile, explained: “Counterposed to
reformist
adaptations to the bourgeoisie’s program, as Trotskyists we raise the
demand
for a constituent assembly with full powers, directly and secretly
elected by
universal suffrage. A genuine constituent assembly by definition could
only be
convoked under conditions of full democratic liberties, permitting the
participation of all the parties of the working class. Thus it requires
as a
precondition the revolutionary overthrow of the junta, something which
the DC
and the reformists, despite their lengthy list of democratic demands,
fail to
mention. “For Leninists,
democratic
demands are a subordinate part of the workers’ class program.
As Trotsky
wrote of the role of democratic demands in fascist-ruled
countries: ‘But
the formulas of democracy (freedom of the press, the right to unionize,
etc.)
mean for us only incidental or episodic slogans in the independent
movement of
the proletariat and not a democratic noose fastened to the neck of the
proletariat by the bourgeoisie’s agents (Spain)’ (Transitional
Program). In
countries with a bourgeois-democratic tradition and a politically
advanced
working class, such as Chile, the demand for a constituent assembly is
not a
fundamental part of the proletarian program. Thus following the junta
takeover,
the iSt did not raise this slogan. We raise it tactically at present
against
the bourgeoisie’s efforts, aided by their agents in the workers
movement, to
make a pact with sectors of the military. Our purpose is to expose the
bourgeoisie’s fear of revolutionary democracy.” –“Condemn Pinochet
Plebiscite!” Workers Vanguard No. 190, 21 January 1978 In
contrast, on other occasions the call for a constituent assembly has
been
raised in order to head off the spectre of workers revolution. This was
the
case in Portugal in the summer of 1975. Following the fall of the
dictatorship
of Marcelo Caetano in April 1974, at a time when right-wing reaction
was
gathering around the sinister General Antônio Spínola, we
initially called for
immediate elections to a constituent assembly, as well as for the
formation of
workers councils. But a year later, as we pointed out in our 1978
article, “Why
a Revolutionary Constituent Assembly?” “workers commissions, popular
assemblies
and various other localized, embryonic forms of dual power were
springing up
everywhere around the country.” At that point, while the Portuguese
Communist
Party (PCP) was allied with leftist officers of the bourgeois Armed
Forces Movement
(MFA), with Spínola sidelined, counterrevolutionary forces
cohered around the
Socialist Party (PS) of Mário Soares, which with bourgeois
backing won the
April 1975 elections to a constituent assembly. What
policy should revolutionary Marxists take? The largest ostensibly
Trotskyist
organization at the time, the United Secretariat of the Fourth
International
(USec), was split down the middle. The majority, followers of Ernest
Mandel,
hailed the “revolutionary officers” of the MFA, just as today many
would-be
radicals hail the bourgeois populist colonel Hugo Chávez in
Venezuela. The
minority, led by the U.S. Socialist Workers Party of Jack Barnes and
Argentine
pseudo- Trotskyist Nahuel Moreno, sided with the Socialists (heavily
financed by
the CIA via the German Social Democrats’ Friedrich-Ebert Stiftung) in
the name
of defending the “sovereignty” of the constituent assembly. So as
“socialist”-led
mobs were burning PCP offices, the USec was on both sides of the
barricades! In
contrast, authentic Trotskyists supported neither of the contending
bourgeois
coalitions, and called instead for the formation of workers soviets in
Portugal
counterposed to the rightist-dominated constituent assembly (see our
two-part
article, “Soviets and the Struggle for Workers Power in Portugal,” Workers
Vanguard Nos. 83 and 87, 24 October and 28 November 1975).
Returning
to the current situation, in September-November of 2006 articles
appeared in
radical
media around the world acclaiming a “Oaxaca Commune,” most of them
uncritical
enthusiasm, others adding a “left” twist by calling on this commune to
seize
power, expropriate the bourgeoisie, etc. How it was supposed to do this
in the
most impoverished, peasant-dominated state of Mexico was not explained.
Our
comrades of the Grupo Internacionalista in Mexico actively intervened
in Oaxaca
over the space of many months, but at the same time pointed out that
while a
number of unions were part of the Popular Assembly of the Peoples of
Oaxaca,
the APPO was not based on the working class or peasantry and thus was
not an
embryonic workers and peasants government – which is what the
Paris Commune
of 1871 or the Russian Soviets of 1917 were (see “A Oaxaca Commune?” in
The
Internationalist No. 25, January-February 2007). In fact, several
top
leaders of the APPO were supporters of the Party of the
bourgeois-nationalist
Democratic Revolution (PRD). The GI and LFI called for a national
strike against
repression and to break with the popular front around the PRD
and its
leader, Andrés Manuel López Obrador, and form a
revolutionary workers party. Following
the bloody repression of 25 November 2006, the “far left’s” facile talk
of a
Oaxaca Commune has gone up in smoke, so today various radicals are
focusing
their calls on the demand for a constituent assembly. By far the
largest left group in Oaxaca is the Communist Party of Mexico
(Marxist-Leninist), which
writes that in order to achieve a “revolutionary democratic outcome,”
the left
must focus on “the discussion of a new constitution,” “achieving a
common
platform” and “placing in the strategy of the mass movement the
building of a
National Democratic and Popular Constituent Assembly” (Vanguardia
Proletaria,
5 March 2007). It’s not surprising that the PCM (m-l) should raise this
call, for it
is entirely in line with its reformist Stalinist program of a
“two-stage revolution”
and the popular front, and indeed, in the same issue an article praises
Stalin’s policies as “a classic of Marxism-Leninism.” But the
latter-day Stalinists
are not the only ones to defend this bourgeois-democratic line. Another
champion of the constituent assembly anywhere and everywhere is the
Liga de
Trabajadores por el Socialismo (LTS – Workers League for Socialism),
part of
the Trotskyist Faction (FT). In
its balance sheet, “Crisis of the Regime and the Lessons of the Oaxaca
Commune”
(31 December 2006), the LTS writes that the APPO should have fought for
“a provisional
government that should call a Revolutionary Constituent Assembly.” More
specifically, APPO should have “transformed itself into a genuine organ
of
direct democracy of the exploited and oppressed, which would raise a
workers
and people’s program,” in order to “reorganize the state in the
interests of
the big majorities of the exploited and oppressed” and that a
“government of
the APPO and other working-class and popular organizations” as “an
expression
of the Commune” would “institute a genuine Revolutionary Constituent
Assembly”
in which the “working people, peasants and Indians, along with the
whole of the
people, could discuss how to reorganize society.” Just about everything
here is
contrary to Marxism. In the first place it is necessary not to
“reorganize the
state” but to smash the capitalist state and replace it with a workers
state.
Secondly, a genuine soviet is not simply an example of direct democracy
of the
poor, but a class organ of workers power. The LTS/FT
systematically
glosses over the working-class character of the program Trotskyists
fight for,
replacing it with mushy rhetoric about “democracy” and the “people” who
sit
around discussing what kind of society they want. The
“democratist” rhetoric of this current is no accident, for it comes
straight
from the FT’s progenitor, Nahuel Moreno. The FT gets offended when we
call
them neo-Morenoite, as they claim to have broken with Moreno some years
after
his death in 1986. (See their “Polemic with the LIT and the Theoretical
Legacy
of Nahuel Moreno,” Estrategia Internacional No. 3, December
1993-January
1994.) But while objecting to various of Moreno’s most blatantly
opportunist
formulations, such as his call for a “democratic revolution,” the FT
keeps
his
methodological framework and many of his slogans. Thus the leading
section of
the FT, the Argentine PTS (Workers Party for Socialism) wrote following
the
December 2001 cacerolazos (pots and pans demonstrations)
against the
succession of bourgeois presidents: “The slogan, ‘Get
rid of
them all!’ expresses the lack of legitimacy and the popular hatred
against the
regime of political representation…. But it still has not advanced to
identifying this regime, in its social content, with capitalist rule.
It is in
the sense of extending a bridge between the ‘democratic’ consciousness
of the
masses and the need for revolution and workers power that Marxists
raise the slogan
of a Revolutionary Constituent Assembly.” –“The Constituent
Assembly
and Workers Power, a Debate on the Left,” La Verdad Obrera, 18
July 2002 Of
course, Trotsky himself presented the 1938 Transitional Program “to
help the
masses in the process of the daily struggle to find the bridge between
the
present demands and the socialist program of the revolution.” But what
the
PTS/FT does here is quite different, for the slogan of a constituent
assembly,
whether you label it revolutionary or not, does not by itself go beyond
the
limits of capitalism. In economically backward capitalist, semi-feudal
or
colonial countries, such an assembly could be the vehicle for mass
struggles
for agrarian revolution, national independence and basic democratic
rights. But
both before and after December 2001, Argentina was an independent,
fully
capitalist country which doesn’t even have a real peasantry but rather
agricultural
workers. To pretend that there is a “democratic revolution” to be
accomplished
in Argentina is to capitulate to and adopt the democratic illusions of
the
masses, not to lead them to socialist revolution. And that is exactly
what Moreno
did in making the call for a constituent assembly a centerpiece of his
program,
from Portugal (where he borrowed it from the U.S. SWP) to Argentina to
the
whole of Latin America. Leon Trotsky arriving
in Petrograd in May 1917. Trotsky and Lenin fought for all power to the
soviets of workers, soldiers and peasant deputies. The
cornerstone of Trotskyism is given in the first sentence of the
Transitional
Program: “The world political situation as a whole is chiefly
characterized by
a historical crisis of the leadership of the proletariat.” The purpose
and raison
d’être (reason for being) of the Fourth International, of
which this was
the founding document, was to provide that independent revolutionary
vanguard
to lead the struggles of the workers and oppressed to international
socialist
revolution. Moreno, however, rejected Trotsky’s view. In a 1980
document titled Actualización del Programa de
Transición
(Bringing the Transitional
Program Up to Date), he argued that “despite the defects of the subject
(i.e.,
that in some revolutions the proletariat was not the main protagonist)
and of
the subjective factor (the crisis of revolutionary leadership, the
weakness of
the Trotskyists), the world socialist revolution achieved important
victories,
expropriating the national and foreign exploiters in a number of
countries,
even though the leadership of the mass movement was still in the hands
of the
opportunist and counterrevolutionary apparatuses and leaderships.” According
to Moreno, an independent Trotskyist leadership was not necessary to
carry out
what he called “February revolutions,” as opposed to October
Revolutions. He
then “updated” Trotsky’s program by postulating a whole stage of
February
Revolutions. In Thesis 26 of his article, Moreno wrote: “Our parties must
recognize the existence of a pre-February revolutionary situation in
order to
come up with democratic slogans suitable for the existence of
petty-bourgeois
leaderships who control the mass movement and the need to establish
unity of
action as soon as possible in order to carry out a February revolution.
We must
understand that it is necessary to do so and not try to leap over this
stage,
but rather to draw all the necessary strategic and tactical
conclusions.” So Moreno the
pseudo-Trotskyist is calling for putting forward democratic slogans
appropriate
for the petty-bourgeois leaderships, not a program for the
revolutionaries. And what might those slogans be? In Thesis 27, he
emphasizes
“the general democratic character of the contemporary February
Revolutions.”
Moreno goes on: “Hence the enormous importance acquired by the slogan
for a
Constituent Assembly or similar variants in almost all the countries in
the
world.” He refers to the constituent assembly as “the highest
expression of
democratic struggle,” saying that “we call for a constituent
assembly
while saying, ‘we are the biggest democrats’,” etc. He talks of
“developing
workers and people’s power,” whatever that means, saying that
ultimately the
objective is for the working class and its allies to take power. But
the bottom
line is that he is here putting forward a democratic program
for
petty-bourgeois (or even bourgeois) misleaders. Moreno’s
1980 “updating” of the Transitional Program was part of a whole
evolution in
his political conceptions. Prior to that point, the Argentine
pseudo-Trotskyist
had distinguished himself primarily by his facility as a political
quick-change
artist, so much so that we referred to Nahuel Moreno as the Cantinflas
of the
Marxist movement, after his Mexican namesake, the comedian Mario
Moreno. The Argentine
Moreno was constantly trying to pass himself off as the left wing of
whatever
movement was in vogue at the time. After posing as a left-wing Peronist
in
Argentina, in the early 1960s he put on the olive green fatigues of
Castro/Guevera
guerrillaism. For a while in the mid-’60s, he enthused over the Maoist
Red
Guards in China. When some of his associates took him at his word and
actually
began to form a guerrilla front in Argentina in the late ’60s, with
disastrous
results, Moreno quickly backpedaled and put on the suit-and-tie of a
respectable social democrat, joining up with the remnants of the
Argentine
Socialist Party. In 1975-76 he was backing CIA-financed social
democracy in
Portugal. By the late ’70s, he was back to guerrillaism, this time as a
socialist
Sandinista. We documented this history in the Moreno Truth Kit
(1980)
first published by the international Spartacist tendency and now
available from
the League for the Fourth International. Back
in Argentina, Moreno defended the bloody military dictatorship under
General
Videla against boycotts sparked by his European USec comrades, even as
the
junta was arresting and murdering Morenoite cadres. But by the early
1980s, the
junta was on its last legs, mortally wounded by its ill-fated military
adventure in the Falkland/Malvinas Islands (which the Morenoites loudly
hailed), and Moreno sided with the bourgeois Radical opposition led by
Raúl
Alfonsín, which took office after winning elections in 1983.
Moreno proclaimed
this A Triumphant Democratic Revolution in a book which bore
that title,
and thereupon invented a whole theory of “democratic revolutions.” The
programmatic
linchpin of this anti-Marxist dogma was his call, anywhere and
everywhere, for
a constituent assembly. This was Moreno’s final “contribution” to the
annals of
pseudo-Trotskyism. Genuine Trotskyists, in contrast, as we have
repeatedly
insisted, fight for international socialist revolution, led by
authentic
Leninist communist parties and based on worker and peasant councils,
i.e.,
soviets. But
even before his infatuation with “February revolutions” (which came
around the
time Ronald Reagan was calling for a “democratic revolution” in Latin
America),
Nahuel Moreno was highlighting the call for constituent assemblies in
the
semi-colonial “Third World.” Thus in the mid-1970s, his publishing
house
(Editorial Pluma) put out a collection of Trotsky’s writings on La
segunda
revolución china covering the period from 1919 to 1938,
which prominently
featured the Bolshevik revolutionary’s call for a constituent assembly
around
1930, following the defeat of the second Chinese Revolution in 1927.
However,
this 220-page book left out all of the many articles by Trotsky
calling
for the formation of soviets in China, which was the focus of
his calls
for action by the Chinese Communist Party at the height of the
revolutionary
upheaval of 1925-27. Moreno’s skewed selection of documents was a
deliberate
distortion of Trotsky’s policies in semi-colonial countries. To this
day,
Spanish readers of Trotsky have never seen his repeated calls for
workers
revolution in China based on worker, peasant and soldiers soviets and
only know
the Morenoite bowdlerization. Note
also that Moreno called for constituent assemblies not just in the
“Third
World” but rather “in almost all the countries of the world.” Including
the
imperialist “democracies”? How about in the United States? Indeed, the
short-lived
Morenoite organization in the U.S. called at one point in the early
1980s for a
constituent assembly. At the same time, they attacked our comrades with
claw
hammers – pro-capitalist “democratist” politics and anti-communist
thuggery go
hand in hand. In
Bolivia, where the question of a constituent assembly has been a hot
issue due
to Evo Morales’ calls for one, a leading spokesman for the section of
the
Moreno-derived FT, Eduardo Molina, published an article at the outset
of the
2003 upheaval calling for a “Revolutionary Constituent Assembly” (Lucha
Obrera No. 11, 24 February 2003). In a section titled “Trotskyism
and the
Constituent Assembly,” Molina wrote: “Leon Trotsky
raised the
demand for a National Assembly as a great banner to unify the masses
following
the Second Chinese Revolution, he put forward the slogan of a
Revolutionary
Constituent Cortes at the outset of the Spanish Revolution, in the
early 1930s;
and he demanded a national assembly, together with a program of
radical-democratic slogans against the regime of the French Republic in
his
Program of Action for France in 1934.” This has been a
standard Morenoite argument for years, as they rewrite Trotsky in the
spirit of
bourgeois democracy. It has been more recently taken up by the French
Ligue Communiste
Révolutionnaire (LCR), the section of the United Secretariat, as
it becomes
ever-deeper incrusted in bourgeois parliamentarism. (The leaders of the
long-since reformist LCR have been trying for years to get rid of the
“C” and
the “R” in their name, but they keep running up against reluctance in
the
ranks.) LCR theoretician Francisco Sabado is now toying with calls for
a
constituent assembly in France, citing the same 1934 program as
justification
(“Quelques éléments clés sur la stratégie
révolutionnaire dans les pays
capitalistes avancés”, Cahiers Communistes No. 179,
March 2006). Once
again, this is a distortion of Trotsky’s revolutionary politics. In
China, as
we have pointed out, Trotsky put the call for a constituent assembly in
the forefront
of his agitation following the defeat of the Second Chinese
Revolution,
where it was directed against the rule of warlords and the dictatorship
of
Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek; at the high point of the battle, his
central
call was for the formation of soviets. The Spanish Revolution
in 1931
was developing in struggle against the monarchy and the military
dictatorship
of General Primo de Rivera, which had ruled the country with an iron
hand since
1923. Trotsky’s call intersected pent-up demands for democratic
elections and
proclamation of a republic, for agrarian revolution, the separation of
church
and state and confiscation of church properties. Thus the demand of a
revolutionary constituent assembly or Cortes was the generalization of
a whole
series of democratic demands which were the portal to the socialist
revolution.
Of course, Trotsky combined this with propaganda for the formation of
soviets.
And by the time of the Spanish Civil War of 1936-39, the demand for a
constituent assembly was no longer appropriate under the Republic. The
situation in France in the mid-1930s was very different, and Trotsky
did not
call for a constituent assembly there, contrary to Morenoite mythology.
So what
did his June 1934 “Program for Action in France” advocate? At the time,
right-wing reactionaries and fascists were pushing the country toward
an
authoritarian “strong state” regime, reflecting a general trend
throughout
Europe symbolized by Hitler’s seizure of power the year before and the
February
1934 defeat of an uprising of the Vienna workers by the
clerical-fascist
Dolfuss regime in Austria. Trotsky’s central slogan in the face of this
bonapartist threat was not for a bourgeois-democratic
constituent
assembly, as the Morenoites suggest, but rather “Down with the
Bourgeois ‘Authoritarian
State’! For Workers and Peasants Power!” As part of the fight for a
“workers
and peasants commune,” Trotsky vowed to defend bourgeois democracy
against fascist
and royalist attacks. In that context, he called for abolition of
various
anti-democratic aspects of the French Third Republic, including the
Senate,
elected by limited suffrage, and the presidency, a focal point for
militaristic
and reactionary forces, and proposed a “single assembly” that would
“combine
legislative and executive powers.” We raised these points in our recent
article, “France Turns Hard to the Right” (The Internationalist
No. 26,
June-July 2007). But this is quite distinct from calling for a
constituent
assembly in a country that already has a bourgeois-democratic regime,
however
tattered and threadbare. In
laying out his program of permanent revolution in the
economically
backward capitalist countries, Trotsky emphasized: “The central task of
the
colonial and semi-colonial countries is the agrarian revolution,
i.e.,
liquidation of feudal heritages, and national independence,
i.e., the
overthrow of the imperialist yoke.” He emphasized that revolutionaries
cannot
merely “reject the democratic program; it is imperative that in the
struggle
the masses outgrow it. The slogan for a National (or Constituent)
Assembly
preserves its full force for such countries as China or India. This
slogan must
be indissolubly tied up with the problem of national liberation and
agrarian
reform.” Hence the slogan is not appropriate in an imperialist country,
or
where those tasks have already gone beyond the bourgeois-democratic
level. In
Mexico or Bolivia or Ecuador today, no democratic demand can break the
stranglehold of imperialism or of capitalist agribusiness – this can
only be
accomplished by workers revolution. To
pretend that a “democratic revolution” is posed in Latin America or
Europe
today is to play into the hands of bourgeois reaction, just as Moreno
did in
adopting the Reaganite rhetoric in the 1980s, which was then turned
against the
Soviet Union. It’s not surprising that many of the pseudo-Trotskyists
joined in
the anti-Soviet chorus over Afghanistan and Poland at the beginning of
the
1980s and stood with the counterrevolutionary Boris Yeltsin in 1991, as
the
Morenoites and the United Secretariat did. And it is equally logical
that in
taking up the call for a constituent assembly in France today, LCR/USec
“theorist” François Sabado should hark back to Rosa Luxemburg’s
criticism of
the Bolsheviks who had dispersed the Constituent Assembly in Russia in
January
1918 as a focal point for opposition to Soviet rule. In her unfinished
manuscript, On the Russian Revolution, Luxemburg criticized
Trotsky’s
defense of this revolutionary measure (in his 1918 pamphlet From
October to
Brest-Litovsk) and wanted a new Constituent Assembly to be
elected
alongside the Soviets, in the name of “democracy.” This is exactly what
occurred a few months later following the German Revolution of
November
1918, when the National Constituent Assembly became the base for the
governing
Social Democrats in smashing the Congress of Workers and Soldiers
Councils
while murdering Luxemburg and her fellow communist leader Karl
Liebknecht2.
We stand instead with Lenin, whose December 1917 “Theses on the
Constituent
Assembly” are excerpted below. What
was posed in Oaxaca in June-November 2006, in Bolivia in June 2005 and
September-October 2003, and in Argentina in December 2001 was not to
call for
bourgeois-democratic resolution of the crisis, synthesized in the
slogan of a
constituent assembly, but to explain to the masses (and the left) that
none of
the objectives of the struggle could be achieved without the formation
of
organs of working-class power, backed by the urban and rural poor,
hand-in-hand
with the fight to build authentic Trotskyist parties and a reforged
Fourth International
to lead the struggle for international socialist revolution. ■ 1 In 1825, 1826, 1831, 1834, 1839, 1843, 1851, 1861, 1868, 1871, 1878, 1880, 1899, 1920, 1938, 1945, 1947, 1961, 1967. See Luis Antezana E., Práctica y teoría de la Asamblea Constituyente (2003). 2 It
should be noted
that Luxemburg never published On the Russian Revolution, nor
is it clear that she
intended to do so;
it remained an unfinished manuscript. It was first issued as a pamphlet
in 1922
by Paul Levi (in an incomplete and inaccurate version) after he had
split from
the Communist Party and returned to Social Democracy, and has been used
ever
since as a banner by all manner of anti-communists. Moreover, when the
issue of
a national assembly and/or workers councils was posed in Germany in
November-December 1918, Rosa the revolutionary came down squarely for a
government of workers councils against the bourgeois “democracy” of the
National Assembly.
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