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September 2020
Mobilize Union Power to Defeat
Bipartisan Capitalist Attack on Public Education
The Fight Over Reopening
Schools Is a Class Battle
The following article is from the forthcoming Marxism
& Education No. 6.
On July 7, Donald Trump held a series of White House
events to pressure governors, mayors and educational
authorities to physically reopen schools this fall after
they had shut down across the country in March as a result
of the coronavirus pandemic. The next day, backed up by
his education secretary Betsy DeVos, Trump threatened to
cut off federal funds to any district that defied his
demand that all schools must resume in-person classes no
matter what. He also slammed the “very tough &
expensive guidelines” on school reopening planned by the
Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC). This
came just as COVID-19 cases were shooting up in much of
the U.S., passing the 3 million mark, with 128,000 dead.
Two months later, double that number have tested positive
for the virus and the number of dead has increased by 50%.
The presidential diktat to fully open schools
everywhere was clearly part of his reelection drive, in
order to get the economy rolling by November.
Simultaneously, as daily protests against racist police
brutality continued in the wake of the cop murder of
George Floyd in Minneapolis, Trump dispatched Homeland
Security agents to Portland, Oregon. His aim was to
provoke bloodshed against anti-racist demonstrators so he
could campaign as the law-and-order candidate cracking
down on “anarchists and agitators.” But while Trump’s aim
was transparently political, various medical and
educational associations issued reports urging that
schools be reopened where virus transmission rates are
low, in view of the damage to the education, development
and well-being of children resulting from keeping them out
of school. This particularly affects oppressed racial and
ethnic populations subjected to systemic racism in every
sphere of U.S. capitalist society.
Donald Trump, enemy of
public education, demands that all schools must reopen,
even where coronavirus pandemic is raging. But capitalist
war on public schools is bipartisan.
(Photo: Chris Somodevilla / Getty Images)
In response to Trump’s teacher-bashing offensive and
fears generated by the pandemic, there has been growing
resistance among educators to reopening schools across the
U.S., both in regions with high community spread and in
areas with much lower rates of infection. With the
beginning of the traditional K-12 school year upon us, the
issue of what conditions must be met to reopen schools has
led to sharp political clashes. In solidly Democratic New
York City, after being the epicenter of the pandemic in
the spring, virus transmission rates are now among the
lowest in the U.S. But Mayor Bill de Blasio’s plan to open
school-house doors on September 10 come what may, with no
preparations for testing and buildings manifestly unsafe,
stirred a hornet’s nest of opposition from teachers,
administrators and parents.
The United Federation of Teachers (UFT), representing
almost 80,000 teachers and 20,000 other NYC Department of
Education (D.O.E.) employees, threatened to strike. Class
Struggle Education Workers strongly supports the UFT
undertaking strike action to ensure that the steps are
taken to make the schools safe to reopen and to counter
threats of mass layoffs. The UFT tops have long hid behind
New York’s no-strike Taylor Law to avoid calls for
militant union action. In the past, when a Class Struggle
Education Workers delegate called to prepare to strike,
Mulgrew even ordered her words stricken from the record.
At present, educators are in the strongest position ever
to push through demands for sharply cutting class sizes,
improving ventilation systems, and hiring thousands of new
teachers, paraprofessionals and custodians. But a real
strike requires serious preparation.
In order to rip up the Taylor Law and win a strike,
teachers need to mobilize powerful forces that can defeat
recalcitrant city rulers by bringing NYC to a halt.
That means bringing out the powerhouse of city labor,
Transport Workers Union (TWU) Local 100. TWU members
stayed on the job throughout the coronavirus crisis, in
which 131 NYC transit workers died of COVID-19, in part
because of the refusal of the Metropolitan Transportation
Authority (MTA) to release personal protective equipment
it had stockpiled for a pandemic. Now they are facing
layoffs as MTA bosses threaten 7,000 layoffs and
“doomsday” cuts of 40% of subway and bus service. The 2005
transit strike paralyzed NYC, until TWU tops caved after
three days due to political pressure and Taylor Law
penalties. Today we must stand firm and strike together.
De Blasio has announced a cut of $700 million in the DOE
budget due to falling tax revenues as businesses shut down
in the pandemic. His schools chancellor Richard Carranza
has said that this would mean layoffs of 9,000 teachers,
at a time when many thousands more educators are
urgently needed. In addition, the mayor threatened as many
as 22,000 layoffs of municipal employees. So the UFT
should also join forces with other city workers, including
the 150,000 members of AFSCME’s District Council 37. In
particular, it is urgently necessary to forge strong bonds
with students and parents, to wage a common struggle for
safe schools. Class Struggle Education Workers has always
opposed the mayoral dictatorship over NYC schools, calling
for teacher-student-parent worker control of the
schools, with educators in the lead.
NYC mayor Bill de Blasio with his schools chancellor,
Richard Carranza (left) and UFT leader Michael Mulgrew
announcing contract agreement in 2018. (Photo: Matthew McDermott / New
York Post)
Mulgrew used the threat of a strike as a
bargaining chip, to get a few concessions from de Blasio.
The UFT tops haven’t a clue about how to wage a real
strike. The CSEW calls for a mass
elected strike committee of delegates from
every unit, recallable at any time, to mobilize the
membership for class struggle. This is serious business:
we’re talking about an all-out joint strike of the UFT,
TWU and other municipal workers to force city rulers to
cough up the tens of billions of dollars it will
take to make the schools and subways and buses safe for
all. That requires a fighting leadership armed with a class-struggle
program to oust the sellout bureaucrats and break with
the Democrats who run New York for the Wall
Street fat cats and real estate moguls they front for. As
for the Taylor Law, just remember, the only
“illegal” strike is one that loses.
The Need for Reopening Schools
At the time schools across the United States were closed
in mid-March, this was a necessary step in order to
implement general quarantining of the population to
contain community spread of the deadly coronavirus.
Shutting down many businesses, combined with
“stay-at-home” and “shelter-in-place” orders, did
eventually slow transmission rates. However, when the
orders were prematurely lifted after a month or two,
particularly in the South and West, the stage was set for
the summer resurgence of COVID-19. Also, the criminal
policy of “flattening the curve” by sending people with
symptoms (except the most severe cases) home, in order to
not overwhelm the severely cut-back capitalist medical
system, spread infection to family members and others. The
mostly black, Latino and immigrant “essential workers”
were particularly hard-hit.
But the necessary school closures came with a huge cost.
A July 10 joint statement by the American Academy of
Pediatrics (AAP), American Federation of Teachers (AFT),
National Education Association (NEA) and the school
superintendents’ association declared:
“We recognize that children learn best when
physically present in the classroom. But children get much
more than academics at school. They also learn social and
emotional skills at school, get healthy meals and
exercise, mental health support and other services that
cannot be easily replicated online. Schools also play a
critical role in addressing racial and social inequity.
Our nation’s response to COVID-19 has laid bare inequities
and consequences for children that must be addressed. This
pandemic is especially hard on families who rely on school
lunches, have children with disabilities, or lack access
to Internet or health care.”
At the same time, the joint statement
stressed that “schools in areas with high levels of
COVID-19 community spread should not be compelled to
reopen.” An August 19 “Guidance for School Re-entry” by
the AAP declared that it “strongly advocates that
all policy considerations for the coming school year
should start with a goal of having students physically
present in school,” but that the “uncontrolled
spread” of the virus in much of the U.S. “will not permit
in-person learning to be safely accomplished” in many
places.
In innumerable ways, lengthy time away from school harms
children, even beyond the huge regression in education it
entails. This is compounded by the social isolation of
being confined to the home, often combined with economic
stress when parents have lost their jobs. Hospitals have
reported sharp increases in severe sexual and physical
abuse of children, as well as suicides. We have seen from
our own experiences in online instruction for the New York
City Department of Education (D.O.E.) how these pressures
can produce severe depression and worse among our
students. For undocumented immigrants, closure of schools
has meant cutting off an essential lifeline, the only
social service they could access while they are denied any
form of pandemic assistance, unemployment benefits,
stimulus payments, medical care, etc. Masses of working
women in particular are forced “back to the home.”
“Remote learning” is an
oxymoron, and “equitable remote learning” is impossible.
Right: Allia Phillips, one of 114,000 homeless students in
NYC public schools, with her mother after she picked up
iPad from her school in March. But their shelter had no
Internet. (Photo: Gabriela
Bhaskar for The New York Times)
Educationally, online instruction has been a disaster
despite the heroic efforts of educators suddenly thrust
into entirely different conditions for which they received
almost no training and little support. Even when the
school system was able to loan iPads to students, many
poor families do not have Internet access. For the 114,000
homeless students in New York City schools (out of a total
enrollment of 1.1 million), it was worse. Service
providers would not install cable connections in shelters,
devices would be stolen. The 200,000 special ed students
with disabilities were not able to receive crucial speech,
occupational and physical therapy. In crowded homes,
students were balancing young siblings on their lap, or
more than one child had to share a computer. And many
students didn’t even log on. In mid-April, 23% of NYC
students were not connected, and that’s not counting
another 19% who never reported attending at all.
The Wall Street Journal (5 June) summed it up:
“The Results Are In for Remote Learning: It Didn't Work.”
The article began: “This spring, America took an
involuntary crash course in remote learning. With the
school year now winding down, the grade from students,
teachers, parents and administrators is already in: It was
a failure.” Many schools had little “synchronous”
instruction (a fancy way of saying that a teacher and
students were online simultaneously), while the
“asynchronous” consisted of distributing packets of
homework. In New York, the Movement of Rank and File
Educators” (M.O.R.E.) caucus in the UFT (a coalition of
liberal and reformist currents) and others called for
“equity in remote learning.” But even with all the
measures proposed (slow down the academics,
trauma-informed teaching, etc.) there is no way online
education can be equitable.
As Internationalist Group and Class Struggle Education
Workers signs at an August 3 protest (called by the
M.O.R.E.) stated: “‘Remote Learning’ Widens Racist Gap in
Education” and “Remote Learning: An Oxymoron. Vygotsky:
‘Education Is Social’.”1 With online
instruction, the tremendous advantages of students from
middle-class families who have known computers all their
lives, and have (more or less) digital-savvy parents to
help out, are greatly increased compared to poor students
whose connection to the Internet is at best a smartphone,
and usually not a very versatile one. English-language
learners all too often find themselves at sea, falling
further and further behind with little or no support. But
more fundamentally, the idea that schooling consists of
simply filling students’ heads with information and
academics is deeply antithetical to public education.
Pouring information into
students’ heads: Caricature of education from the
teacher-bashing propaganda film, Waiting for Superman
(2010), used by privatizing education “reformers” to
promote union-busting charter schools.
That is, in fact, the “model” – a caricature of education
– presented by the privatizing, test-crazed education
“reformers” who want to turn educators into reciters of
scripted lessons and turn the public school system into a
cash cow for vendors, consultants and hedge-fund-backed
charter school operators. But as the Soviet developmental
psychologist Lev Vygotsky wrote in his essay “The
Interaction Between Learning and Development”:
“[H]uman learning presupposes a specific social
nature and a process by which children grow into the
intellectual life of those around them…. [A]n essential
feature of learning is that it creates the zone of
proximal development; that is, learning awakens a variety
of internal developmental processes that are able to
operate only when the child is interacting with people in
his environment and in cooperation with his peers.”
Vygotsky’s concepts are key to
educational techniques such as “scaffolding” that are
taught in teacher education programs and pedagogical
institutes around the world, usually without reference to
their underpinning in Marxism (historical materialism).
This is doubtless another reason why the capitalist
“edureformers” want to do away with teacher education
altogether.
For that matter, the privatizers and charterizers
consider public education itself a communist plot. After
all, Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels were some of the first
to call – in the 1848 Communist Manifesto – for
“Free education for all children in public schools.”
The Conditions for Reopening
Schools
As the novel coronavirus, or SARS-CoV-2, is precisely
that, a new strain of potentially deadly virus, much is
still unknown about it. What can be said with certainty is
that the claim by a Trump campaign video that children are
“virtually immune” is false, but also that young children
have been far less likely to become seriously ill or die
as a result of COVID-19. While children can have high
viral loads, there is little evidence of young children as
a major source of spread. The situation with teenagers
(ages 12-17) is less clear. However, overall, while
children under the age of 18 constitute 22.4% of the U.S.
population, even after a summer surge of infections, as of
August 27 they account for only 9.5% of the total number
testing positive for the coronavirus. Moreover, children
17 and under are only 1.7% of all hospitalizations for
COVID-19 and 0.07% of all deaths, a total of 101 in the
entire U.S. Nineteen states have had no COVID-related
child deaths.2
Almost every professional medical body or authority that
has studied and reported on the issue has stated that the
key determining factor for whether schools can safely open
is the rate of infection in the community. Across the
U.S., the total number of COVID-19 cases is now over 6
million and the official death toll is up to 188,000. But
levels differ greatly from state to state. Contrary to
Trump’s demand to resume in-person instruction everywhere,
the overwhelming verdict of scientists is that in much of
the country, reopening schools is not possible at this
time. However, in the Northeast, and New York in
particular, the situation is far different, which is why
Ashish Jha, director of the Harvard Global Health
Institute, tweeted in early August, “Transmission levels
so low NY can, with proper precaution, open schools
safely.”3
From mid-March to mid-May, New York City was the
epicenter of the coronavirus outbreak in the U.S. Almost
24,000 people have died of COVID-19 here, including
confirmed and probable cases, and when you add the number
of dead above the seasonal normal – “excess deaths” –
which are quite likely COVID deaths, the death toll is
close to 30,000. But the epidemiological curve has dropped
sharply, so that today, the average daily number of new
cases in NYC amounts to 3.4 per 100,000 people, compared
to 11 in Los Angeles or 19 in Houston, Texas.4
And with over 75,000 tests a day in NYC, the number
testing positive for coronavirus has been under 1% for two
months, often falling to half that level. That is well
below the 3% community positivity rates suggested by many
health authorities as a threshold figure for reopening
schools.
On the specific situation of New York City, as of August
30, children under the age of 18 make up 3.2% of all
reported cases of COVID-19, 1.1% of all hospitalizations,
and the number of confirmed and probable deaths of
children in NYC since the start of the pandemic (15)
amounts to 0.06% (that’s 6 one-hundredths of 1 percent) of
the total.5 In short, the
levels of infection today in NYC and most of New England
are comparable to that in Germany, and less than half the
rate in Italy, France, the Netherlands and other countries
that have resumed in-person instruction without major
incidents.
There is also the experience of child care centers that
were kept open. In NYC, starting in late March, at the
height of the pandemic in the heart of the epicenter, some
14,000 children of “essential workers” were cared for in
170 Regional Enrichment Centers. These were staffed by
D.O.E. personnel, operated out of public schools and
continued into the summer. With social distancing,
separate “pods” of 12 or less students per room, mandatory
face covering and daily temperature checks, no outbreaks
and no clusters were reported (NPR/WNYC, 24 June).
Overall, with tens of thousands of programs and over a
million children, “between 95 to 99 percent of U.S. child
care programs appear to be operating with no outbreaks”
(Early Learning Nation, 28 August).
As the controversy over reopening schools heated up this
summer, various liberal Democratic websites pointed to the
case of Israel where a COVID outbreak of 130 cases at a
single school occurred at the beginning of June, two weeks
after schools were fully reopened, leading to it and other
schools being shut down. This ignores the fact that all of
Israel was opened up in mid-May, not just the schools;
that in the school in question (the elite Gymnasia Rehavia
in Jerusalem, alma mater of several leaders of the
right-wing Likud party) students were crowded together,
students and teachers removed masks despite prohibitions,
and the school was kept open after the first cases were
found instead of being quickly shut down. In all, 139
schools and kindergartens were closed, out of 5,200
schools and 200,000 kindergartens in Israel. The rest
stayed open.6
Another piece of “evidence” cited by those who want to
keep all schools closed was a study posted by the CDC on
July 16 by South Korean researchers on contact tracing.7
That study showed that children under age 10 have a low
rate of spreading the virus, but the media seized on its
suggestion that youth ages 10-19 supposedly transmit the
virus as much or even more than adults. This went viral on
the Internet in scores of articles, setting off alarm
bells about school opening. However, a second article, in
the British Journal of Medicine (7
August), indicated that “additional data from the research
team now calls that conclusion into question; it’s not
clear who was infecting whom,” as medical correspondent
Apoorva Mandavilli wrote in the New York Times (15
August). The fact that the initial study was faulty was
reported almost nowhere.
In reality, a lot of the debate about opening the schools
has been politically driven. Jesse Sharkey, head of the
Chicago Teachers Union (CTU) and leader of its Caucus of
Rank and File Educators (C.O.R.E.), remarked that tweets
from the White House about successful openings in
Scandinavian countries did a lot to “undermine the
credibility about a safe reopening,” as they were “based
on political expediency. And it didn’t help that it was
Trump” (New York Times, 13 August). In New York
City, to a significant degree the fight over reopening the
schools is shadow-boxing between keep-them-shut
“progressive” Democrats (with pseudo-socialists in tow, as
usual) and open-them-up “corporate” Democrats.
Revolutionary Marxists approach the issue from an
entirely different, scientific and class-based standpoint.
The fact that the racist-in-chief and his education
czarina DeVos are calling for opening schools is directly
counterposed to everything they have stood for over the
past four years, as they have sought to privatize the hell
out of the education system. What explains this? They
posture as defenders of public education today because
they see an opportunity to score electoral points with
working-class parents who need the schools open so they
can work. These are all squabbles within the framework of
bourgeois politics. Rather than the standpoint of those
who are using the issue to push “vote-blue-to-stop-Trump”
class collaboration, or siding with “progressive” vs.
“corporate” Democrats, we are guided by the actual class
interests of the exploited and oppressed. Thus, we are for
keeping schools closed where infections are high, and to
use union power to make the schools safe where they can be
opened.
M.O.R.E. protest, August
3, called to keep schools closed until 0 infections of
COVID-19, playing into the hands of reactionary forces who
want to replace public schools (and teachers) with remote
instruction. (Photo: Eduardo
Munoz / Reuters)
On August 3, C.O.R.E. in Chicago along with its New York
cognate M.O.R.E., the Democratic (Party) Socialists of
America and a number of reformist pseudo-socialist groups,
called a “National Day of Resistance Against Unsafe School
Reopening.” M.O.R.E. called for “No return to in-person
school” until there are “no new cases for 14 days.” This
seemingly super-cautious demand is in fact deeply
reactionary and plays into the hands of enemies of public
education, both conservative and liberal. What it
translates into is shutting down public schools
indefinitely, as there is no prospect of reaching 0 cases
of COVID-19 any time in the next months (and quite
possibly longer), even where the transmission rate is low,
as in New York City today. Moreover, as we have said,
M.O.R.E.’s call for “equitable remote learning” is an
unrealizable pipedream, a figment of the imagination of
privileged petty-bourgeois liberals and antithetical to
genuine education.
M.O.R.E.’s demand to keep schools closed until there
are 0 cases in fact means indefinitely shutting down
public education for the 114,000 homeless students, the
155,000 English-language learners, the 220,000 students
with disabilities and many if not most of the 800,000
students living in poverty who constitute 70% of the
entire student enrollment of the NYC public school
system.
M.O.R.E.’s August 3 demonstration featured coffins, “grim
reaper” skeletons, body bags and a mock guillotine labeled
D.O.E. Speakers kept chanting “not one more child,”
although there have been no reported indications linking
COVID-19 child deaths in NYC to infection in school. But
if schools should be closed until there are 0 cases of
coronavirus infection, what about the flu? Nationwide, 144
school-age children ages 5 to 14 have died of influenza
and pneumonia since February 1, five
times the number (28) who have
died of COVID-19. So should all schools be shut down
during flu season every year? As for the danger of
infection of teachers, close contact with children, who
are notorious spreaders of flu viruses (unlike the
coronavirus), is definitely an occupational risk. But the
mortality rate among D.O.E. employees due to COVID-19 (79
out of 135,000) is less than a quarter of that of the New
York City population as a whole.
To be sure, there will be infections, perhaps clusters or
an outbreak. Students may have to be sent home and
classes, even schools, shut down temporarily. But not to
open schools where low infection rates permit will be
infinitely more damaging. Willful blindness to that
reality also has a class character.
“Remote Learning” and the
Capitalist Offensive Against Public Education
It is no accident that the anti-union charlatans of the
World Socialist Web Site (a/k/a, the Socialist Equality
Party), which has now cooked up a phantom “Educators
Rank-and-File Safety Committee,” also call to shut down
the schools until COVID-19 is no more. It dismisses any
UFT strike to ensure that safety standards are met, while
blowing smoke about a mythical “nationwide general strike
to stop the deadly reopening of schools.” Dressed up in
fake-leftist verbiage, this call to keep the schools
closed everywhere, not only where infection levels are
high but also specifically in New York City, fits right in
with the plans of bourgeois politicians to slash spending
on public education by making it all remote. Once they
have established that it’s not necessary to have a teacher
in the room, they can follow up with scripted
tele-lessons.
NY governor Andrew Cuomo (left) appointed commissions to
“reimagine New York,” headed by Eric Schmidt (center),
head of Google parent company Alphabet, and to “reimagine”
education, headed by Microsoft founder Bill Gates (right).
They all want to promote “remote learning,” cutting costs
for teachers and school buildings and preparing for
high-tech war with China.. (Photos:
Andrew Kelly / Reuters; Alex Wong / Getty Images;
Kuhlmann / Munich Security Conference)
Last May, NY governor Andrew Cuomo asked, in one of his
daily corona-briefings, “all these buildings, all these
physical classrooms – why, with all the technology that
you have?” This was his lead-in to calling to use the
pandemic to “reinvent” New York education, saying “it’s
not just about reopening schools.” To “reimagine
education,” Cuomo announced a committee to be led by
Microsoft mogul Bill Gates. A parallel “blue-ribbon”
commission to “reimagine New York” is to be headed by Eric
Schmidt, CEO of Alphabet, the parent company of Google.
Schmidt said he would be “focused on telehealth, remote
learning, and broadband.” Conveniently, such high-tech
initiatives would spell billions for Microsoft and Google,
while cutting the cost for teachers and school buildings,
for doctors and nurses and hospitals. For the bourgeoisie,
this is a time to jump on opportunities to “not let a good
crisis go to waste.”
Naomi Klein, the left-liberal author of books about how
capitalist politicians use disasters to ram through
“reforms” which they would otherwise not be able to get
away with, termed Cuomo’s vision a “Pandemic Shock
Doctrine.” Writing in The Intercept (8 May), she
noted how Schmidt has been pitching this scheme for some
time from his positions as chair of the Pentagon’s Defense
Innovation Board and chair of the National Security
Commission on Artificial Intelligence. His aim: to gear up
U.S. imperialism for a high-tech war on China.8
Klein cited an op-ed by Schmidt in the Wall Street
Journal (27 March) where he wrote:
“We should also accelerate the trend toward
remote learning, which is being tested today as never
before. Online, there is no requirement of proximity,
which allows students to get instruction from the best
teachers, no matter what school district they reside in….
“If we are to build a future economy and
education system based on tele-everything, we need a fully
connected population and ultrafast infrastructure. The
government must make a massive investment – perhaps as
part of a stimulus package – to convert the nation’s
digital infrastructure to cloud-based platforms and link
them with a 5G network.”
Klein concluded that in the
“manufactured austerity crisis” that is now upon us, “The
price tag for all the shiny gadgets will be mass teacher
layoffs and hospital closures.”
(Internationalist photo)
But while she analyzes the threat accurately enough,
Klein’s alternative to what she calls the “Screen New
Deal” is the “Green New Deal” of Democratic “progressives”
Bernie Sanders and Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez. They all act
as if it’s a question of budget priorities, of where
trillions of “stimulus” dollars are to be spent. This is
also the line of the pro-capitalist union bureaucracy,
whose answer to threatened draconian budget cuts is to
pressure Congress to pass the Democrats’ “HEROES Act” for
more federal money for the states. They accept the limits
of a “manufactured austerity crisis.” In reality, it’s
about class interests, and all wings of the capitalist
rulers – Republicans and Democrats, conservatives and
liberals – have for years been trying to “reform” public
education by gutting it and privatizing it, as Cuomo,
Gates and Schmidt want to do today.
From the standpoint of the burning needs of the working
class, what’s needed is to bring out the power of labor
together with all the oppressed, in this time of
coronavirus when teachers have an unprecedented opening to
push through longstanding demands for quality education
which are now key to safely reopening the schools. It is
vital that this be done where it can be now, in New York
City, setting an example to be followed elsewhere. But
that requires a revolutionary leadership that breaks with
all parties and politicians of the ruling class to wage a
class offensive. Capital is using this crisis to
impose its reactionary agenda, getting ready to axe tens
of thousands of jobs and ratchet up the rate of
exploitation. Class-conscious workers must organize to
defeat this capitalist assault and undertake a proletarian
counteroffensive leading to a workers government. ■
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