Labor's Gotta Play
Hardball to Win!
Showdown on West Coast Docks: The Battle
of Longview
(November 2011).
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Chicago Plant Occupation Electrifies Labor
(December 2008).
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May Day Strike Against the War Shuts
Down
U.S. West Coast Ports
(May 2008)
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August 2017
Capitalism
Is Wrecking Mass Transit
NYC Transit
Summer of Hell?
What about Winter, Spring and Fall?
Transit workers repairing 125th Street Station the day
after June 27 A train derailment.
(Photo: Transport Workers Union Local 100)
It would be a “summer of hell” for commuters, declared
New York Democratic governor Andrew Cuomo. His remark was
made in May when it was announced that a major section of
interlocking tracks at Penn Station would be out of
service for much-needed repairs in July and August. The
closures follow a string of preventable train derailments
that have left Amtrak, the Metropolitan Transportation
Authority (MTA), the New York-New Jersey Port Authority
and governors Andrew Cuomo and Chris Christie on the hook
for crumbling transit infrastructure, some of which is
older than the Bolshevik Revolution, and service that
continues to leave straphangers fuming. In response, the
capitalist politicians feud and MTA bigwigs put forward an
“action plan” featuring their intention to eliminate
seats so they can cram more passengers into already
overcrowded subway cars! And, of course, more fare hikes.
The first derailment came in late March, when an Amtrak
Acela Express train (the high-priced high-speed trains
that connect Wall Street moguls and their Washington
lackeys) was leaving Pennsylvania Station in the a.m.,
clipping an NJ Transit train and causing 29 trains to be
canceled for the evening’s rush hour. Less than two weeks
later, on April 3, an NJ Transit train derailed on the
same interlocking section of tracks at Penn Station. On
June 27, a southbound A train in Harlem derailed and
crashed into a subway wall, leaving dozens injured. On
July 7, just days before the scheduled “summer of hell”
repairs began, yet another NJ Transit train derailed on
the now-infamous “A interlocking” (the section of track
slated for repair, which is a 21-track hub routing Amtrak
and NJ Transit trains entering and leaving Penn Station to
the west). And on July 21 a Q train derailed in Brighton
Beach. It’s not just derailments: on April 21 a power
failure at a Manhattan station caused big rush-hour delays
on more than half the system’s 22 subway lines.
Track workers inspecting rails in tunnel coming into
Pennsylvania Station where trains have repeatedly
derailed.
(Photo: Jeenah Moon for The New York Times)
The transit malaise has been going on for at least a
decade. Since 2007, on-time performance has decreased by
more than half on every single line in the New York City
transit system. It’s assumed that a train may be delayed
or re-routed at any time, for any reason. Service changes
are so labyrinthine that life-long subway riders are left
scratching their heads in confusion. The MTA’s new
marketing scheme, Fastrack, is supposed to convince
commuters that they’ve got it all under control, with
scheduled service cutbacks on the weekends that supposedly
allow time for repairs. Reeling off the list of these
service changes is like being read the dinner specials at
a Midtown restaurant (F trains will run express on the A
line, A trains go local on the F line, 2 and 5 trains will
switch in Manhattan, take a shuttle bus from 168th St.,
etc.). Or hearing a drug’s possible side effects in a TV
commercial (WARNING: Fastrack may increase risk of
depression, homicidal and suicidal thoughts, and
proclivity for violence).
When trains are stalled, passengers are treated to
pre-recorded announcements blaming it on “train traffic
ahead,” or “a police investigation underway” at another
station. A New York Times column by Jim Dwyer
skewered the so-called “earlier incident” announcements –
a catch-all reason used to justify service cuts that
riders are sick of hearing. Dwyer cites the MTA’s signal
network as the second most common cause of delay (“Because
of an Earlier Incident, This Column May Infuriate You,” New
York Times, 22 June). The MTA’s new/old
transit chief, Republican Joe Lhota (who was MTA chairman
after Hurricane Sandy, now re-appointed by Cuomo) noted,
“We live in a digital age. Our signal system isn’t even
analog. It’s mechanical.” In addition, the frequency of
signal inspections has been cut by two-thirds – from every
30 days to every 90 days. Result: more and more signal
malfunctions. Inspections of MTA’s “new” fleet of
decade-old train cars have also been cut back.
What’s evident to anyone who rides the subway is that the
system is crumbling and in dire need of repair,
maintenance and restoration. But the fact that the MTA
bosses cut weekend service to less-than-bare minimum to
carry this out is a reflection that New York’s “mass”
transit system is not there to serve the mass of working
people, but rather the needs of capital. So long as
workers and corporate administrators get into Manhattan on
time during the week, the bosses are at ease. It’s only
when maintenance cuts into morning rush hour commutes that
city rulers get up in arms – hence Cuomo dubbing the Penn
Station repairs a “summer of hell.” The truth is, working
people have been experiencing the hell of riding subway
and regional rail for decades.
Grand Central Station at rush hour, July 2017. Since 1986
the number of passengers has increased by 80% to 1.8
billion annually, but the number of subway cars stayed the
same while the number of transit workers has fallen.
(Photo: Benjamin Norman for The New York Times)
Dwyer and the bourgeois liberals who administer NYC for
Wall Street see the main culprit as overcrowding. Since
1985, subway ridership has increased from 1 billion
annually to 1.8 billion, an 80% growth in volume. Yet the
number of subway cars in service and miles of track in the
system have not increased at all, and the number of NYC
transit workers has fallen by 8% (from 51,500 to
47,500). The liberals see a system bursting at the seams
with new riders, crazed Republicans in Washington slashing
Amtrak funding, a governor in control of the MTA who plays
the blame-game with Mayor De Blasio, and no obvious way
out, especially since the increased ridership reflects
that New York’s economy is up compared to the rest of the
U.S.
Liberal pundits also point to political corruption as the
problem. But the whole system is based on political
patronage. The MTA board are all political appointees and
few have even a clue about transit. Historically, most
appointees by the governor represent real estate interests
in New York City and the surrounding area. In fact, Joe
Lhota made a cool $13 million in 2013 from real estate
investments, according to the New York Times. In
return for handing over the MTA board to the
wheeler-dealers of New York City’s local bourgeoisie,
Cuomo receives millions in campaign contributions from
those very interests. The MTA’s recently completed capital
projects show how pervasive their control is.
The 7 line’s one-station extension to the former Hudson
Rail Yards, now the largest private real-estate
development project in the country (which Donald Trump’s
company once headed up), cost $2.1 billion. The renovated
PATH station at the World Trade Center, which did not
extend a single foot of track or increase passenger
capacity, cost $4 billion. The three-station extension of
the Q line along Second Avenue cost $4.5 billion, and they
made sure to stop short of Harlem. Even the big business
media couldn’t miss the obvious racism of that. What do
these capital projects have in common? They are of little
use to subway riders but raise the value of real estate in
their respective areas, bolstering profits begot through
speculation.
MTA action plan
ignores transit union’s top points calling for sharply
increased inspection of all signals and cars.
With public outcry reaching a fever pitch, the bourgeois
politicians and transit bosses have weighed in with their
emergency fixit programs. MTA chief Lhota announced an NYC
Subway Action Plan, a grab bag of measures, several
of them recycled from the Authority’s earlier “six-point
plan” announced last May. This includes stationing EMT
teams, “combined action teams” and subway repair rapid
response teams near key stations. The purpose of these
steps is to cut down on delays, aiming at reducing average
response time from 45 minutes to 15 minutes. Beyond such
obvious steps, Lhota’s prime proposal was to remove
seats to make “standing only” cars to jam in another
two dozen passengers each! Another of the MTA boss’s
bright ideas was to solve the problem of subway trash by
banning eating on the trains!!
Now a detailed analysis by the Times (“New York’s
Subways Are Not Just Delayed, Some Trains Don’t Run at
All,” 8 August) shows that the policy of spacing out
trains, even after delays have exacerbated severe
overcrowding, has led to “dozens of trains being canceled
every day and reducing the system’s capacity by tens of
thousands of riders.” On the Lexington Avenue corridor (4,
5 and 6 trains), only 77 of 90 scheduled trains pass
through Grand Central Station at the height of the morning
rush hour (8 to 9 a.m.), and 76 out of 88 trains from 5 to
6 p.m. Rather than inserting more trains, which can run as
frequently as 2-3 minutes apart, even with antiquated
technology, in an interview “Mr. Lhota said the agency
should adjust the published schedules to reflect current
conditions”!
Meanwhile, the underlying problems of signal, track and
power problems, which cause over half the delays and most
of the derailments, get short shrift. The MTA action plan
vows to fix 1,300 of the most problematic signals
(one-tenth of the total) by some time next year.
However, the plan does not address the No. 1 point in
Transport Workers Union Local 100’s plan, to have signal
maintainers check all signals once a month instead
every 90 days. Nor does it shorten the inspection and
scheduled maintenance cycles for subway cars, or provide
for “gap trains” to fill in for delayed trains – as the
TWU proposed and the MTA used to do. While the Agency says
it will hire 2,700 workers, several times that many are
needed to ensure adequate maintenance and sharply increase
the frequency of trains to alleviate the
excruciating overcrowding.
Rather than fixing the subways, the MTA boss is setting
out to increase the pain and discomfort of the
more than 6 million passengers a day who endure the
dysfunctional mass transit system. Times columnist
Dwyer noted that the MTA allots three square feet standing
room per person, compared to five for a 150-pound sheep on
a boat. The author of livestock handling guidelines for
the American Meat Institute remarked that subway cars are
more crowded than cattle or pig trucks. And if the MTA has
problems enough with delays due to sick passengers, wait
until they have pregnant women and elderly passengers
collapsing with nowhere to sit in seatless trains.
Of course, it is not a matter of a particularly
misanthropic (people-hating) administrator, but of the
priorities of the capitalist class whose interests he
represents.
NYC Subways and Capitalist Crisis
MTA is spending billions of dollars building palaces that
serve to raise area real estate prices, like the Second
Avenue subway above, but that do nothing to upgrade
deteriorating subways. (Photo: Charles Eckert/amNY)
Throughout the 2016 presidential campaign, between his
xenophobic, racist and sexist tirades, Donald Trump
gesticulated about increasing infrastructure spending. His
vision for infrastructure is profitable
infrastructure, which means privatization. MTA chief Lhota
has taken up this theme, calling for companies to “adopt a
station” in exchange for naming rights, as with sports
stadiums. But privatization could never make mass transit
profitable – it would inevitably increase fares and cut
services, which would decrease ridership and interfere
with everyone’s ability to get to work. An ensuing labor
shortage could cut into profits. Yet the very reason U.S.
infrastructure is falling apart is because of the
U.S. capitalist class’s falling rate of profit – which was
underlined by so-called fiscal crisis of the 1970s.
After the Vietnam War, the Federal government was faced
with the consequences of running a massive budget deficit
to simultaneously finance the war and poverty programs
aimed at heading off ghetto unrest. What took shape was a
massive counter-offensive by the bourgeoisie against the
working class, beginning with public-sector unions. In
NYC, this meant attacking the sanitation workers,
teachers, and transport workers. In 1975, the Municipal
Assistance Corporation (“Big MAC”), headed by Lazard
Frères investment banker Felix Rohatyn, was set up by the
state to lead the assault. MAC was invested with the
authority to issue special New York City bonds to attract
investment, after Wall Street declared the city insolvent.
To restore profitability, the ruling class sought to
reduce expenditures on “social overhead capital” by
slashing taxes and cutting spending on transportation,
education and other vital public services. MAC imposed a 10
percent wage cut on city unions, fare hikes for
subways, an end to open admissions at the City University
(CUNY) and the introduction of tuition. In addition, the
state set up an Emergency Financial Control Board (EFCB)
with direct control over the city’s finances. The EFCB
“deferred” (stopped) all infrastructure maintenance –
including bridges, tunnels and subways. Today, the sorry
state of mass transit in NYC can be directly traced back
to 1975, Big MAC, the EFCB, Democratic governor Hugh
Carey, Democratic mayor Abraham Beame, and the financial
moguls they served.
The capitalist assault on NYC, which left the MTA $34
billion in debt to the very banks who forced NYC into
bankruptcy, was then generalized nationally and
internationally with closures of auto plants (particularly
those with the most militant workers), union busting
(PATCO, Hormel, Greyhound), defunding of public schools
and a stepped-up ant-Soviet Cold War, from Afghanistan to
Central America. The deliberate dilapidation of New York
City’s subways was not about “fiscal irresponsibility,”
“spendthrift” city governments and the like, but the first
act of a broader war on the unions and the Soviet Union,
the first workers state in history. Following the
counterrevolutionary destruction of the (bureaucratically
degenerated and deformed) workers states of the USSR and
East Europe, the global capitalist war on working people
escalated.
The deterioration of the New York City subways is not an
isolated phenomenon, but reflects the overall course of
world capitalism. To bolster sagging profits, the bosses
slash labor costs by speed-up, lowering wages by
union-busting, outsourcing production to low-wage
countries and other means. They short-sightedly defer
maintenance on constant capital and key infrastructure.
They “invest” in speculative “bubbles” (the tech bubble,
dot-com bubble, housing bubble). And when the whole
financial edifice comes tumbling down, as it did in the
market crash of 2007-08, the capitalist government “bails
out” the Wall Street financiers while imposing “austerity”
and mass unemployment on the workers, throwing millions
out of their jobs.
This is not going to change by adopting a different
economic policy, for example by junking “neoliberalism”
and returning to Keynesian deficit financing, as many
liberals and reformists wish. The capitalist system as a
whole is in economic crisis. Sure, it’s quite possible to
solve the crisis of the NYC mass transit system in
relatively short order. The MTA could hire thousands
of new operators, conductors, engineers and maintenance
personnel to increase the frequency of trains. They
could double the trains on lines open on weekends
and intensify modernization work on others. They could
greatly accelerate the introduction of
communications-based-train-control (CBTC), and adopt
stop-gap systems to reduce congestion on key lines
(Lexington and Eighth Avenue corridors). But they won’t
because the substantial cost won’t produce immediate
profits.
Above: West 4th Street Tower controls much of subway train
traffic in Lower Manhattan with 1930s equipment. Below:
some of the pre-WWII signaling technology still in use. (Photo: Kevin Hagen for the New
York Times)
The problems of the New York City have been exhaustively
analyzed, and the solutions are known. The signals at key
centers (such as the W. 4th Street Tower in Manhattan)
date back to the 1930s, involving hand-turning of switches
and wires encased in cloth, which could lead to total
chaos in case of even a small fire. A decision to go over
to CBTC was made after a deadly 1991 accident at the 14th
Street station on the Lex that killed five people. But at
the present pace, introducing modern computer controls on
every subway line would cost $20 billion and take half a
century. Twenty-five years on, they have only been
introduced on the L line, where they didn’t buy enough
CBTC-equipped cars and there were still long wait times
between trains. And that line is where Lhota proposes to
start ripping out seats!
Capitalist imperatives govern every aspect of the public
transit system. Three years ago, the Regional Plan
Association published an extensive report (Moving Ahead
[May 2014]) on accelerating the transition from “fixed
block” to “moving block” (CBTC) signal systems. But since
these planners are governed by the criteria of the profit
system, they want to link such technology that increases
safety and efficiency to replacing two-person train
operating systems (driver and conductor) with one-person
(OPTO) or driverless trains. This is a recipe for a deadly
disaster. Imagine what the casualties from the June 27
derailment of the A train at 125th Street would have been
if there had been no transit workers to guide passengers
through the smoke-filled tunnel. Luckily, in the past TWU
Local 100 has resisted such moves.
A Class-Struggle Program for NYC
Transit
Independent union action is key to a safe, efficient and
comfortable mass transit system, for it can go against the
demands of capital. A militant union leadership would
fight to revive and implement the TWU’s historic demand
for free mass transit. NYC mayor de
Blasio now wants to introduce half-price fares for
low-income New Yorkers. But this would only benefit those
below federal poverty levels ($12,000 annual individual
income, $16,000 for a couple), making the vast majority of
workers pay the extortionate full fare that amounts to subway
robbery. Instead of soaking the 6 million daily
riders to the tune of $7 billion a year, unions and riders
groups should call to abolish the fare and
rip out the turnstiles. This would also put
an end to the over 90,000 arrests and tickets yearly for
the non-crime of evading the MTA’s rip-off fare.
A class-struggle leadership of labor would fight to
refuse to pay the MTA’s staggering $40 billion debt
burden imposed on it by Wall Street. In 1981 the Transit
Authority had zero debt, but as the capitalists demanded
tax cuts and bankers sought to cash in on bonds, the MTA’s
annual debt service now totals over $3 billion,
one fifth of its $15 billion operating budget. This
includes continuing to pay interest and principal of bonds
for infrastructure that has surpassed its useful life. And
with all the financial flim-flam and funny-money
bookkeeping by the Agency, a union fighting for the
interests of transit workers and working people generally
would demand to open the MTA’s books to inspection
by union committees.
For mass transit to serve the interests of the working
class rather than capital will require taking the subway
and bus system out of the hands of the MTA bosses, the
capitalist politicians and their masters on Wall Street
and impose workers control. A first step in
that direction would be to form union safety
committees with the power to shut down the system
in case of unsafe conditions on the tracks, for workers
and passengers. Such committees would demand the installation
of existing track safety technology that can
put an end to the needless deaths of transit workers and a
dangerous system in which an average of five workers a day
suffer serious injuries (see “NYC
Transit
Workers: Fight for Track Safety and Free Mass Transit!”
The Internationalist No. 46, January-February
2017).
To win any significant gains requires using the union’s
tremendous power, residing in transit workers’ ability to
bring the center of world finance capital to a grinding
halt, just as they keep it moving round-the-clock
year-round. That means defying New York’s
union-busting Taylor Law which declares it
illegal for public employees to strike. In 2005, TWU Local
100 struck in the face of massive fines on the union and
individual members. But TWU leaders in Washington ordered
the members back to work. On Day 3, despite the solid
walkout and public support, Local 100’s then-president
Roger Toussaint (who never wanted the strike, forced on
him by a militant membership), collapsed and called it
off. This capitulation resulted in a contract defeat, jail
time for Toussaint, a $2.5 million fine on the Local, and
each member docked five days pay.
The 2005 strike could have won, if it had a leadership up
to the task. It underscored the need to oust the
pro-capitalist union misleaders who have
hamstrung workers’ struggles (Toussaint was constantly
hobnobbing with Hillary Clinton, the Democratic senator
from Wall Street) and to forge a leadership with
the program and determination to wage the class
struggle through to victory. Such a leadership
would mobilize union power to stop racist police
terror against African Americans, Latinos and
immigrants, and to block I.C.E. raids and
deportations. It would also demand all
police (including armed MTA revenue agents)
out of the unions.
It all comes down to a question of class power,
and a political fight against the parties and politicians
of capital. But Local 100 president John Samuelsen is in
bed with Democratic governor Cuomo and the MTA. Last year,
the governor put Samuelsen on the MTA board, no doubt a
payoff for going two years without a contract. Now the TWU
chief has lined the union up with Democrat Cuomo and
Republican Lhota against liberal Democrat de Blasio. A
big-dollar union TV ad campaign portrays the mayor as
sitting on piles of cash for refusing to pony up half a
billion dollars for the MTA, controlled by Cuomo, who has
siphoned similar amounts from the MTA budget. Which
bourgeois politician comes up with the dough is not the
concern of workers and riders. A fighting TWU leadership
would call to break with all the bosses’ parties
and build a class-struggle workers party,
as Painters Local 10 in Portland, Oregon did last year.
Bottom line: The 42,000-member Transport Workers Union
Local 100 touches the lives of millions of New Yorkers in
a way no other labor organization does but for the
150,000-strong United Federation of Teachers. Despite the
best efforts of big business press to demonize transit
workers (calling strikers in 2005 “rats”), masses of
working people can see that if the TWU wins, we all win.
To successfully fight back, labor must be at the forefront
of all struggles of the oppressed, armed with a
revolutionary program and a class-struggle leadership at
the helm fighting for a workers government. ■
Defend
Darryl Goodwin!
Darryl Goodwin together with
TWU Local 100 supporters outside court, June 29.
(Jefferson Siegel/New York
Daily News)
Class-struggle unionism also means defending workers to
the hilt against victimization. Last May 17, station
agent Darryl Goodwin, a black 27-year transit worker and
member of Local 100, was arrested and suspended from his
job without pay for not stopping assisting a passenger
and not immediately opening a gate for a posse of cops
(who have keys and duty Metrocards) chasing a suspect.
He did so as soon as the police identified themselves.
For that he was hit with frame-up charges of obstructing
government administration, resisting arrest and causing
injury to a police officer. All workers should defend
Darryl Goodwin and demand that all charges be
dropped and his lost wages be paid. At a
court hearing on June 29, dozens of transit workers
showed up to support their union brother. A new hearing
is scheduled for Thursday, August 10 at 100 Centre
Street in Manhattan. Unionists and opponents of racist
cop terror should be there to pack the courtroom. ■
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