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November 2006
Down
with the PRI,
PAN and PRD! Break with López Obrador The
following is translated from a supplement to El Internacionalista, published by the
Grupo Internacionalista,
Mexican section of the League for the Fourth International. NOVEMBER 10 – One hundred
and seventy days after it began, the militant strike and mass rebellion
which
has convulsed the southern Mexican state of Oaxaca, and is now shaking
the
entire country, has entered its decisive phase. The violent invasion of
the
state by federal police (PFP) and the armed forces unleashed a wave of
opposition throughout the country and is reverberating internationally.
It is
clear to everyone that the military deployment has not had, at all, the
intended effect of intimidating the population. The Oaxacan strikers
are
heroically resisting the assault by the federal government with the
same
tenacity that they have demonstrated during more than five months of
battling
the bloody and hated governor Ulises Ruiz Ortiz. From the very moment
that they
arrived in the state, the federal forces have been faced with
resistance by
battle-hardened social activists who do not surrender. In a pitched battle
that lasted
seven hours around the Autonomous University of Oaxaca named for Benito
Juárez
(UABJO) on November 2, a powerful blow was struck against the PFP and
the army
personnel disguised as police (see “The
Battle of Oaxaca University”).
To the defeat suffered by an army of several thousand state police in
their
failed attempt to evict the massive teachers encampment last June 14
has now
been added the undeniable defeat of the federal police. Their
humiliating
flight has had a stunning effect in demoralizing the troops, many of
whom are
of Indian origin just like those they are repressing. But for the
workers and oppressed
of the entire country, the militant mobilization of the Oaxacan masses
against
the attempt to shut down Radio University, and thereby silence the
voice and
organizer of the resistance, has had an electrifying effect. On
Sunday, November 5, Oaxaca’s sixth “mega-march” was held, bringing out
tens of
thousands of participants. Demonstrators took several hours to cover
the
eight-mile route. At the head of the march were relatives of the
murdered,
disappeared and political prisoners, followed by thousands of teachers
from the
Central Valleys region of the teachers union, Section 22 of the
SNTE-CNTE. They
had decided that, contrary to the back-to-work agreement between the
Ministry
of the Interior (Gobernación) and Section 22 leader Enrique
Rudea Pacheco, they
would “keep up the fight” until Ruiz Ortiz falls and the PFP leaves.
“With
Rueda or without Rueda, Ulises is out of here!” they chanted. In the
face of
repression, the resistance is spreading. For the first time Sunday,
communities
from the Sierra de Juárez in the northern part of the state were
present in the
march. But while the strikers celebrate – with good reason – their
temporary
victory while staying on maximum alert, the repressive forces are
preparing a
bloody response. The Popular Assembly
of the Peoples of Oaxaca (APPO) has called
for going over to a general offensive. Without a doubt, this is the
time to
really give it to the governments of the murderous governor Ruiz Ortiz
and the
heinous president Vicente Fox Quesada. But what will it take to win?
The Oaxacan
insurgents have already demonstrated incomparable
courage and determination. They must not
stand alone! In
this struggle, the outcome doesn’t depend solely on the working masses
of this
besieged state, one of the poorest in Mexico. A nationwide mobilization
of the
working class is urgently needed, along with action internationally
demanding: PFP
and armed forces, get out of Oaxaca! Teachers throughout the
country should
strike now. The encampments and barricades of the Oaxaca
teachers and
their allies should be buttressed by the strength of the electrical
workers of
the SME, telephone workers of the STRM, Cananea miners, oil workers,
university
workers and workers of the maquiladoras (free trade zone
factories). For
more than five months, the Grupo Internacionalista has been calling for
a national
strike against the murderous government. Today it is more urgent
than ever
to turn this call into reality. It is also necessary
to underscore the importance of international
struggle against repression in Mexico. For months, the struggle in
Oaxaca went
practically unnoticed outside the country. However, the murder of a
U.S.
journalist of the left-wing alternative press, Brad Will, on October
27, sent
shock waves around the world There have been angry protests in dozens
of countries
and more than 50 cities in the United States, The U.S. ambassador, Tony
Garza,
who fancies himself a proconsul of the empire, gave the order for
repression:
the death of Will “highlights the need to return to the rule of law and
order
in Oaxaca,” he decreed. President Fox, who up until then had
vacillated,
immediately dispatched the PFP. Protesting on October 30 outside the
Mexican
consulate in New York, friends of the murdered activist carried a
banner
saying, “No State Violence in Brad’s Name – Government Forces Out of
Oaxaca.”
There were 12
arrests that day, and the protests continue. Our comrades of the
Internationalist Group organized several pickets in New York against
the
repression in Oaxaca. Their signs declared, “Tlaltelolco ’68, Oaxaca,
2006: Massacres
in Mexico, Made in U.S.A.” And in their chants they recalled the
Oaxacan
teacher murdered the same day: “Emilio Alonso, Brad Will – The struggle
continues!” As
always, this class battle must be fought politically. The Institutional
Revolutionary Party (PRI) of Governor Ruiz and President Fox’s National
Action
Party (PAN) are widely hated for their repressive actions in Oaxaca.
Now the
Party of the Democratic Revolution (PRD) and its standard-bearer,
Andrés Manuel
López Obrador (widely known by his initials, AMLO) are
attempting to coopt the
Oaxacan struggle. They are trying to connect it to the massive protests
“in
defense of the vote” following the July 2 elections and the upcoming
November
20 inauguration of AMLO as the “legitimate president” of an “itinerant
government.” We warn that just like the PAN and the PRI, the PRD – a
bourgeois
nationalist-populist party – is not an ally but a class enemy of the
teachers,
workers and Indians of Oaxaca and the rest of the country. In each of
the
recent massacres (Sicartsa steel workers in Lázaro
Cárdenas, Michoacán in
April; peasants and townspeople in San Salvador Atenco, near Mexico
City, in
May; teachers in Oaxaca in June), PRD authorities and legislators have
fully
joined in the repression. Thus in order to fight the capitalist
onslaught, it
is necessary to fight to form the nucleus of a revolutionary
workers party. From Popular
Rebellion to Workers Revolution: Aftermath of battle
between striking workers and federal, state and local police at
Sicartsa steel mill, Lázaro Cárdenas, Michoacán,
April 20. (Photo: Arnulfo
Moro/Quadratín.com) Left groups who talk today about a Oaxaca
Commune claim that there is virtually a revolutionary situation in
the
state,
if not in the country as a whole. A case in point is the Militante
group, which
calls itself the “Marxist tendency” … of the bourgeois PRD! The
main
leader of this tendency, Alan Woods, wrote an extensive article on “The
Revolutionary Awakening of Mexico” (8 September) in which he refers to
“the
Popular Assemblies, which are soviets in all but name,” while saying
that at
the national level “elements of dual power are already coming into
existence.”
He claims that all the aspects of a revolutionary situation exist in Mexico today except
for a revolutionary party.
Woods and his International Marxist Tendency
are constantly writing breathless accounts of this sort, having
discovered
revolutions underway in Venezuela (where they are advising the
bourgeois
military president Hugo Chávez on Trotskyism!) and Bolivia
(where a workers
uprising in June 2005 led to the election of the bourgeois populist
president
Evo Morales). Such claims show, on the one hand, that their authors
live in an
imaginary dream world, having lost confidence in the revolutionary
capacity of
the actual proletariat; and, on the other hand, they have redefined
(i.e.,
revised) the revolutionary goals in order to make them consistent with
the
perspective of a “democratic” (bourgeois) revolution. Even if there were a
fully revolutionary situation or a
Oaxaca “Commune,” the program put forward by these gentlemen would not
be what
a genuine Trotskyist party fights for. “All Power to the Popular
Assembly of
the People of Oaxaca!” proclaims Militante stridently. “For a
provisional
government of the APPO and the worker, peasant and popular
organizations in
struggle,” says the Liga de Trabajadores por el Socialismo (Socialist
Workers
League). Elsewhere, the latter organization calls for a “workers and
people’s government
of the APPO.” Rather than fighting for an organization of the working
masses
that could set the framework for a workers revolution, they
look to the
current leadership body. It’s not the first time. In Bolivia last year,
these
same groups hailed the “National and Indigenous People’s Assembly”
(APNO),
claiming that this was the equivalent of or “embryo” of soviets
in the
1905 and 1917 Russian Revolutions. The League for the Fourth
International, in
contrast, called for the formation of real workers and peasants
councils
(soviets) while showing that the “APNO” was stillborn and nothing more
than a
leadership cartel of opportunists. The latter put on revolutionary airs
in
order to hide their own betrayals: at the height of the uprising, APNO
leaders
made way for a new bourgeois government instead of fighting for workers
power
(see “Myth
and Reality: El Alto and the ‘People’s Assembly’,” The
Internationalist
No. 21, Summer 2005). In
Mexico today, the LTS calls for the APPO “to transform itself into an
organ
based on delegates elected in the districts, neighborhoods and
workplaces.”
Militante/IMT calls for “broad-based, democratic organs of
revolutionary
struggle, which the day after the victory of the insurrection can be
transformed into organs of direct revolutionary democracy” (Woods, 8
September). But even if they were “democratic organs of revolutionary
struggle”
or if “tendencies for self-organization” of the masses are developing,
this
would not give the APPO a proletarian class character. All of
history
shows that the organizations of impoverished peasants and Indians,
however
democratic, in the absence of workers councils based in the big
industrial
centers, cannot lead a revolution. The peasantry (a contradictory
petty-bourgeois layer) and indigenous peoples (an ethnic category) do
not have
the social power and coherent class interest characteristic of the
bourgeoisie
and the proletariat. Like other intermediate strata, they tend to
follow one or
the other of the fundamental classes. Certainly, many of the present
components
of the APPO could be part of workers and peasants councils on a
national scale,
but these would not be a simple extension of the present Oaxacan
organization. The LTS calls for the APPO to “open the way
to a genuine
insurrection of the exploited and oppressed and the establishment of a
real
workers and people’s power in Oaxaca.” To attempt an insurrection in
the single
state of Oaxaca would be a reformist adventure condemned to failure; in
order
to take power out of the hands of the bourgeoisie and establish
proletarian
rule a struggle must be waged nationally. A genuine – and not imaginary
–
Oaxaca Commune could not last in isolation. Only on a national level
can a
social revolution be begun, with a workers and peasants government that
expropriates the bourgeoisie and extends the revolution
internationally, above
all to the United States. Elsewhere, the LTS calls on various
“independent”
union organizations like the National Union of Workers (UNT), the
Mexican
Electrical Workers (SME) and the National Coordinating Committee of
Educational
Workers (CNTE), along with the Zapatistas’ “Other Campaign,” to “call a
national
work stoppage in solidarity and a huge mobilization in the Federal
District
[Mexico City]” (Estrategia Obrera, 21 October). This is nothing
more
than the “civic work stoppage” that the APPO, the EZLN (Zapatista Army
of National
Liberation) and some pro-PRD unions have called for – that is, a bourgeois
mobilization that is qualitatively different from the national workers
strike that the Grupo Internacionalista advocates. Internationalist
Group signs in October 30 protest outside Mexican consulate in New
York: “Break with the AMLO/PRD Popular Front! For Workers Revolution!”
(Internationalist photo) What’s
key for Oaxacan teachers and their allies in opening the way toward a
revolutionary uprising of workers, peasants and all the exploited and
oppressed
against the bourgeoisie is to fight for proletarian independence
from all
the bourgeois parties and politicians. One has to ask one’s self,
how is it
possible that the teachers strike and popular rebellion in Oaxaca have
not had
an impact nationally? Where are the workers’ solidarity strikes, the
marches of
hundreds of thousands in Mexico City to support the struggle in Oaxaca?
They
haven’t happened. And not by chance: this is the direct result of the
role
played by the “popular front” around López Obrador’s PRD. Seeing
as AMLO was
able to call repeated mobilizations of up to 2 million people in Mexico
City’s
Zócalo; and since the PRD was able to paralyze the streets and
avenues in the
heart of the capital city from the beginning of August to
mid-September, it is
obvious that they could have massively mobilized their supporters on
behalf of
the Oaxaca teachers. Obviously they didn’t do so because the PRD is a
bourgeois
party, which defends the interests of capital against the working
people. It
doesn’t want to get mixed up in a struggle that could get out of hand
for the
ruling class. And the so-called “independent” unions are tied to a
sector of
the bourgeoisie via the AMLO popular front around the PRD. Throughout
this time, it has also been noteworthy that the Zapatistas have not
lifted a
finger for the Oaxaca teachers. While López Obrador was off
campaigning for the
PRD candidate for governor of Tabasco, Subcomandante Marcos continued
his tour
of the “Other Campaign” in the northern states. The same day that it
was
announced that Fox would decide whether or not to send federal forces
to
Oaxaca, Marcos, now known as Delegado Zero, said that he was limiting
himself
to “seeing and learning” from the struggle in Oaxaca, but “our support
doesn’t
go beyond that.” Why not? First of all, because “it is a very complex
movement,” and second, in order not to give the right-wing an opening
to accuse
the teachers of being linked to armed groups (La Jornada, 27
September).
Only after repression had been unleashed did he make a call for
active
solidarity with the Oaxaca struggle. Meanwhile, left groups who tag
along after
the PRD and the “Other Campaign” also have not mobilized to oppose
repression
in Oaxaca. What we are seeing is the unity in inaction of parliamentary
and
anti-parliamentary cretinism. If today, after the invasion of the PFP
and armed
forces, and above all due to the heroic resistance by the Oaxacan
working
people and youth, they are calling for a work stoppage or a national
“mega-march,” it is only to regain control of a movement that is
threatening to
slip out of control of the bourgeoisie (PRD) and the armed-for-TV EZLN.
In
the struggle in Oaxaca, the second most popular slogan – after “Ya
cayó, ya
cayó, Ulises ya cayó” (Governor Ruiz has fallen) – is
“El pueblo unido,
jamás será vencido” (The people united will never be
defeated). The truth
is rather the opposite – to the extent that the exploited and oppressed
continue to be tied to sectors of the exploiters and oppressors in the
name of
the unity of the people, they will be defeated over and over. “The
people
united…” was, after all, the slogan of the Chilean Unidad Popular
(whose anthem
has been adopted and modified by the APPO), which prepared the way for
the
dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet. The latter was installed as minister
of
defense of Salvador Allende, and a few months prior to the bloody coup
of 11 September
1973, Pinochet reviewed the troops [of the Chilean army] in the company
of
Fidel Castro. Since the 1930s, popular-frontism has led to disaster for
the
working people: in Spain during the Civil War, leading to the
dictatorship of
general Franco; in France at the same time, leading to the dictatorship
of
Marshal Pétain; in Greece, Italy and France at the end of World
War II, when it
headed off workers revolution; in Indonesia in 1965, leading to the
dictatorship of General Suharto, and so on. As Trotsky wrote in the
Transitional
Program: “Under the banner of the
October Revolution, the conciliatory politics practiced by the
‘People’s Front’
doom the working class to impotence and clear the road for fascism. “‘People’s Fronts’ on the
one hand—fascism on the other: these are the last political resources
of
imperialism in the struggle against the proletarian revolution.” Those who claim that there already exists a revolutionary situation in Mexico today, rather than a potentially revolutionary one, notably the Militante group and the LTS, base themselves on a simple arithmetical operation: they add the rebellion that has paralyzed Oaxaca to the mobilization “in defense of the vote” in Mexico City and conclude that the country is about to explode. In doing so, they confuse the roiling mass strike led by radical petty-bourgeois forces (the APPO) which has confronted the capitalist state power, resisting with everything at hand the onslaught of the murderous repressive forces and rejecting various attempts by its leaders to sell out, on the one hand, and the ultra-peaceful mobilization called by and under the strict control of one of the main bourgeois parties (the PRD), whose aim was to pressure the electoral institutions and which López Obrador simply called off once it had served its purpose. They are not only disparate but counterposed quantities: the PRD leadership is a class enemy of the Oaxacan working people, which seeks to put an end to their strike. What we have here is the mathematics of the popular front. As Trotsky wrote about the ‘Theory of the Popular Front’ during the Spanish Civil War: “The theoreticians of the Popular Front do not essentially go beyond the first rule of arithmetic, that is, addition: ‘Communists’ plus Socialists plus Anarchists plus liberals add up to a total which is greater than their respective isolated numbers. Such is all their wisdom. However, arithmetic alone does not suffice here. One needs as well at least mechanics. The law of the parallelogram of forces applies to politics as well. In such a parallelogram, we know that the resultant is shorter, the more component forces diverge from each other. When political allies tend to pull in opposite directions, the resultant may prove equal to zero. “A bloc of divergent political
groups of the working class is sometimes completely indispensable for
the solution
of common practical problems. In certain historical circumstances, such
a bloc
is capable of attracting the oppressed petty-bourgeois masses whose
interests
are close to the interests of the proletariat. The joint force of such
a bloc
can prove far stronger than the sum of the forces of each of its
component
parts. On the contrary, the political alliance between the proletariat
and the
bourgeoisie, whose interests on basic questions in the present epoch
diverge at
an angle of 180°, as a general rule is capable only of paralyzing
the revolutionary
force of the proletariat.” –Leon Trotsky, “The Lessons
of Spain: The Last Warning” (December 1937) This
law has already been verified by events. Despite the great
combativeness of the
Oaxacan teachers union, Section 22, and its allies in the APPO, their
leaders
are or have been linked to the PRD. On July 2, they called to cast a
“punishment
vote” against the PRI and the PAN – in other words, a vote for the PRD.
[Section 22 leader] Enrique Rueda Pacheco is a supporter of the PRD, as
are the
scabs of the Central Struggle Committee (CCL), whose “moral leader” is
Humberto
Alcalá Betanzos, currently secretary general of the Oaxaca state
committee of
the PRD. Flavio Sosa, the most visible spokesman of the APPO currently,
was a
member of the PRD and even called to cast a “useful vote” in favor of
Fox in the 2000 elections. In the state
legislative
assembly, PRD legislators voted prior to June 14 in favor of using
“public
force” (i.e., the police) against the teachers; they supported the
governor’s
“transparency” plan; they voted in favor of extending the term of the
state
legislature; and they joined the PRI and PAN in calling for the
intervention of
federal police forces against the strikers. The PRD is co-responsible
for the
deadly state violence against Oaxaca teachers, as they also are for the
bloody
attacks on peasants and town dwellers in Atenco and against steel
workers in
Lázaro Cárdenas, Michoacán (see “Mexico: Bourgeois
Elections and Workers
Blood,” The Internationalist No. 24, Summer 2006). The
Grupo Internacionalista has insisted on the need to break with the
popular
front around the PRD and Andrés Manuel López Obrador,
as we earlier warned
against the harmful influence of the Cárdenas popular front in
keeping the
potential power of the working class tied to capitalist sectors. We
call on the
working people of Oaxaca, and all of Mexico, to break the corporatist
shackles
of “labor” federations such as the CTM, CT and CROC, and pseudo-unions
like the
national SNTE, which are part of the state apparatus. As such they act
as
veritable labor cops for the bourgeoisie, just as the company “unions”
in the
north do. In the case of Oaxaca they engage in scabherding against the
teachers’ strike and even organize death squads. At the same time, it
is also
urgent to break the political chains which bind the
“independent” unions
and important sectors of the working class to bourgeois forces like the
PRD. In
order for the teachers’ insurgency to win, in order to sweep away the
repression unleashed against the Oaxaca revolt and threatening all
Mexican
workers, it is necessary to fight to build a revolutionary and
internationalist
workers party, based on the Trotskyist program of permanent revolution. II – Fight for Permanent Revolution Given its lengthy and
hard-fought nature, it is obvious
that the struggle of the Oaxaca teachers is facing something more than
a
murderous governor. The fact that Ruiz Ortiz has been able to hang on
for so
long, not giving in to the pressures of the other bourgeois parties and
even to
his own PRI, that he can get away with using the most heinous methods
with apparent
impunity, indicates that there are important forces backing him. In
fact, “URO”
has clung to power with such obstinacy that one is led to consider that
there
are sinister forces that would be seriously affected if he should lose
control
of executive power in the state. There are, for one thing, the
multi-million
contracts handed out to the construction company of his brother, Hugo
Ruiz
Ortiz, to build or remodel dozens of town halls around the state, as
well as
the seat of government in Santa María Coyotepec and the
legislative palace in
San Raymundo Jalpan. There are journalistic reports according to which
he “has
mafia-like relations with the ‘tsar’ of drug trafficking in Oaxaca,
Pedro Díaz
Parada,” who “controls him to such a degree that he was able to get the
State
Police headquarters relocated to a property in the town of Santa
María
Coyotepec allegedly owned by Díaz Parada (Universal, 29
October).
However, such cases of corruption exist in practically every state in
Mexico. More
important is the fact that Ulises Ruiz Ortiz can count on the support
of a
tight-knit bourgeois layer which feels itself threatened by the
teachers’
struggle and the APPO. The governor’s grandfather, Odilón Ruiz,
was a cacique
(political boss) in Chalcatongo, in the Mixtec region, where “people
had to
kiss his hand,” according to one local official – “and his feet,” added
another
(La Jornada, 24 September). There is a veritable oligarchic
structure in
the state which reproduces almost colonial relations between a white
elite and
the working population of Indian origin. It’s similar to conditions in
Chiapas,
where the “coletos” of San Cristóbal long for the old
days when they
held the Indians in vassalage, right up to when the latter unexpectedly
(to the
rulers) rose up on 1 January 1994. In
the current rebellion in Oaxaca, the specific demand for autonomy
for
the indigenous peoples has played a lesser role, since demands have
focused on
the throwing out the murderer-governor. Trotskyists insist that neither
the
juridical recognition of Indian rights nor the ouster of the particular
rulers,
as justified as these demands are, will produce a radical shift in the
miserable living conditions of the working people and poor Indians. To
free the
indigenous peoples from the capitalist yoke requires a struggle
for a workers,
peasants and Indian government in Oaxaca in the framework of a
workers
revolution, nationally and internationally (see “The
Other War Against
Oaxaca’s
Indigenous Peoples”). PRI
gunmen during October 27 attack on strikers’ barricades when U.S.
journalist-activist Brad Will was murdered. (Photo: El Universal) One
of the few concrete programmatic points in López Obrador’s PRD
presidential
campaign was to call for revision or renegotiation of the chapter on
agriculture and livestock of the Free Trade Agreement with the United
States,
particularly concerning corn and beans, which has devastated the
Oaxacan
countryside. Marxist revolutionaries opposed the North American Free
Trade
Agreement (NAFTA) in its totality, as an attack on the livelihoods of
working
people in all three countries (Canada, U.S. and Mexico) benefiting the
big
capitalists. However, we do so not from a nationalist or patriotic
standpoint,
but as proletarian internationalists who seek the unity of the workers
of the
entire world, and particularly with our North American class brothers
and
sisters, in struggle against imperialism. Against the ravages of
capitalist
“globalization” we don’t propose an impossible return to a narrow
national
market, but rather the struggle for an planned socialized world
economy. One
of the effects of NAFTA has been an enormous increase in the flow of
Oaxacan migrants
to the United States, to the point that large parts of the countryside
today
have been emptied of men and youth, who have all “headed north.” So
many now
live in the area around the city of Fresno, California that the region
has been
dubbed “Oaxacalifornia” (pronounced like Baja California). Ten
percent
of all Mexicans now live on U.S. territory, much of which was stolen
from
Mexico during the wars of the 19th century. Trotskyists fight for a
revolutionary Mexico to become part of a Socialist United States of
Latin
America, in conjunction with the formation of an alliance of North
American workers
states including Mexico, the U.S., Canada and Quebec. Only in this way
can we
tear down the wall of death being built along the U.S.-Mexican
border
which cruelly separates workers’ families. The participation of
Mexican workers in the United States
in protests against the government of Ulises Ruiz has been a notable
aspect of
this struggle. Even more important would be the extension of the strike
to the
Mexican capital and to key industrial sectors, because the repression
being
suffered by the Oaxacan population is not due to a peculiarity of the
personality of “URO” or the ways of the PRI. Rather, it is part of an
assault
launched jointly by the main capitalist parties against the working
people of
Mexico. In order to extend the struggle nationally, in addition to
breaking
with the popular front of AMLO and the PRD, it is necessary to present
a revolutionary
program of transitional demands in defense of the working class
of the
entire country. Thus, in order to
fight the massive unemployment which is
pushing mass emigration, we fight for a sliding scale of wages and
work
hours, in order to divide up the available work among all those
seeking it,
with no loss in wages and protection against inflation. We propose a national
strike against any attempt to privatize the energy industry
(electricity,
oil), and to impose workers control in those industries in
order to
check the sabotage by the bosses government. Amid
this capitalist offensive against the working people in Oaxaca and the
entire
country, there is a burning need to prepare workers self-defense.
The
photos of Oxacan youth resisting the PFP with slingshots and stones are
striking,
but the cops aren’t always going to respond with their own slingshots
and
marbles. This was, as Ricardo Alemán wrote (in El Universal,
7 November),
“a caricature.” The “Molotov cocktails” are merely defensive and have a
limited
effect. Oaxacan strikers have shown that they know how to respond with
creativity and intelligence to the multiple provocations and
aggressions of the
government, its cops, thugs and goons. But the next time around it’s
going to
get serious. So
how to prepare the defense? By forming workers defense committees,
under
the command of the mass organizations of the workers, who equip
themselves as
well as possible to protect the masses in struggle against the threat
(and in
Oaxaca, the reality) of generalized repression. Such workers defense
committees
could serve as the nuclei of future workers militias, as long as they
maintain
their independence from the bourgeois state and parties. We do not
call
for the formation of “political-military” organizations separate from
the
workers movement, but for the strikers themselves to organize the
defense, with
maximum labor support. It
is no secret to anyone that Oaxaca abounds in armed groups, a direct
consequence
of the repressive PRI regimes. There are the Ejército Popular
Revolucionario
(ERP – Popular Revolutionary Army), the Ejército Revolucionario
del Pueblo
Insurgente (ERPI – Revolutionary Army of the Insurgent People), the
Fuerzas
Armadas Revolucionarias del Pueblo (FARP) and others. Since 1994, the
government has sought to terrorize the rural areas of Oaxaca,
particularly the
region of Los Loxchica and the Mixteca, with its counterinsurgency
campaigns.
Ulises Ruiz Ortiz and his rabid attorney general, Lizbeth Caña
vituperate
against the teachers strike attempting to link it to guerrilla groups
in order
to thereby justify military repression. Up
to now, the main guerrilla groups have kept their distance from the
teachers
strike and the APPO. On November 6, a conglomerate of small guerrilla
groups
that had split off from the EPR responded to the repression in Oaxaca
by exploding
some devices at various places in Mexico City. URO’s supporters used
this as a
pretext to call for a crackdown in Oaxaca. The APPO quickly distanced
itself
from the actions. But beyond the negative effect that such acts may
have for
the teachers’ struggle, and the tactical differences between the
various
guerrilla groups, there is an essential programmatic question: all
these groups
are fighting for “popular” or at most “revolutionary” democracy, not
for
socialist revolution. With the Stalinist program of “two-stage”
revolution
which these organizations share, they accept the capitalist framework.
This is
armed popular-frontism. Sensible
elements of the Mexican bourgeoisie fear that, given the scope of the
mobilization
in Oaxaca, a bloodbath such as Ulises Ruiz & Co. have in mind could
produce
a massive guerrilla conflict. We defend leftist guerrillas against
repression,
as well as defending the teachers against idiotic claims that their
strike is
an “urban guerrilla struggle.” However, the Trotskyists take a
different path:
rather than peasant-based guerrillaism, we fight for workers
mobilization
on the program of permanent revolution. Analyzing the Russian
Revolution of 1905, Leon Trotsky
concluded that in semi-colonial countries and where pre-capitalist
forms of
production prevail, the bourgeoisie can no longer carry out the tasks
of the
great democratic revolutions of past centuries. Only under the
leadership of
the working class can we achieve democracy, carry out the agrarian
revolution
and win national liberation from the imperialist yoke, by establishing
the
dictatorship of the proletariat, supported by the peasantry, and
extending the
revolution. This was the program of the victorious October Revolution
of 1917
led by the Bolshevik Party under Lenin and Trotsky, which proclaimed
the onset
of international socialist revolution. Today
there is a consensus among sectors of the PRD and various
pseudo-socialist
groups to call for a new constituent assembly in Mexico. The mid-August
forum
on governability, where there was a heavy PRD presence, called “for
APPO to
promote the installation of a Popular Government Council” and “a
Constituent
Congress which promotes a new Constitution” for Oaxaca. The LTS calls
for “a
workers and people’s government of the APPO” to “call a Revolutionary
Constituent Assembly in the state,” adding a little leftist spice to
the PRD
slogan. For its part, the Communist Party of Mexico (Marxist-Leninist)
demands
“a Revolutionary Provisional Government” which would call “a Democratic
and
Popular National Constituent Assembly out of which would come a New
Constitution.” Although
the liturgy differs slightly from one denomination to the other, it is
evident
that they are all singing from the same hymn book. All are calling for
a new government
that would be part of a bourgeois democratic regime. A
democratic
constituent assembly, whether it is called revolutionary or not, does
not
surpass the limits of capitalism. Now, it’s true that the Oaxacan
masses are
fighting for democratic goals in opposing the despotic regime of Ulises
Ruiz.
However, the duty of all Marxist revolutionaries is to explain to these
valiant
fighters that democracy for the workers, peasants and Indians can
not be won
without a socialist revolution which overthrows the system of
capitalist
exploitation. This
is exactly what a speaker for the Grupo Internacionalista said at the
forum
called by the APPO. “The reality is that in all countries where
capitalism exists,
there is no democracy. Democracy for the bosses, for the rich, for the
powerful, yes, but democracy for the poor, the landless, the workers,
the poor
peasants, Indians, homosexuals, women – there is no democracy for
them.”
Therefore, he insisted, it is necessary to forge a workers party based
on the
program of permanent revolution. Pseudo-Trotskyist
groups like the LTS and Militante don’t even bother to mention
permanent
revolution. They fight for democracy under capitalism, just as the
Stalinists,
who at least have the advantage of consistency between their
“democratic”
slogans and their “theory” of revolution in stages. Rather than calls
for
democratic, revolutionary and/or popular constituent assemblies, or for
a
“democratic and revolutionary national convention” (the slogan of
Militante,
which yearns for López Obrador’s National Democratic Convention
to take power),
the Trotskyists of the Internationalist Group fight for a workers and
peasants
government that establishes the rule of the working people, that is,
the dictatorship
of the proletariat. Only in this manner can the democratic
revolutionary tasks
be realized, by expropriating the capitalists, extending the revolution
internationally and beginning socialist construction. The Grupo Internacionalista’s Struggle for Workers Mobilization… The
mass strike in Oaxaca, now in its sixth month, represents the highest
level of
struggle by Mexican working people in several decades. It comes in the
context
of a series of Latin American workers’ struggles in recent years, among
them
the worker and peasant uprisings in Bolivia in 2003 and 2005 and the
earlier
struggle of the Argentine piqueteros (picketers). In Mexico
there was
the struggle of the Social Security (IMSS) workers in 2004, when they
surrounded
the Senate trying to block passage of a law “reforming” their pensions;
and
more recently, the struggle of the Sicartsa workers which ended in a
hands-down
victory at the end of August. The
Grupo Internacionalista and the League for the Fourth International
have sought
to intervene around the struggle in Oaxaca in order to propagandize the
Trotskyist
program for cohering a revolutionary proletarian leadership, and to
carry out
actions of workers solidarity. The very day of the violent attempted
eviction
of the Oaxaca Zócalo, June 14, our comrades of the
Internationalist Group in
the U.S. called a protest picket in front of the Mexican consulate in
New York,
as they did again the next day, this time with the participation of a
whole
contingent from the faculty union of the City University of New York
(CUNY). At
the same time, comrades of the Grupo Internacionalista in Mexico
traveled to
Oaxaca, where they were constantly present over a period of two months. The
U.S. and Brazilian sections of the LFI mobilized again on September 21,
initiating
a demonstration of some 150 people in New York, including many teachers
and professors,
in defense of the Oaxaca strikers; and in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil on the
same
day teachers marched with a banner announcing that the local of the
teachers
union SEPE in the city of Volta Redonda was calling for workers’
strikes in
solidarity with the Oaxaca teachers. The
LFI produced a DVD, “Class Battles in Mexico,” in English and Spanish,
focused
on the Oaxacan struggle, which has been shown in assemblies of students
and
teachers in the U.S., Mexico and Brazil, and has been broadcast on
cable
television in New York. With the military/police invasion of Oaxaca,
the
Internationalist Group called an emergency picket in front of the
Mexican
consulate in New York on the same afternoon, October 28, and again on
the 30th,
and participated in a third protest on October 31. In
Mexico, the Grupo Internacionalista has carried out intense activity
around the
struggle in Oaxaca during the months of September and October. The GI
attended
several meetings of Sections 9 and 10 of the SNTE-CNTE (representing
primary
and secondary school teachers in the capital), calling on the teachers
of the
Federal District to undertake a strike against the (then) threat of
large-scale
repression in Oaxaca. We initiated an assembly on September 13 at the
CCH-Sur
(college preparatory school for sciences and humanities) on Oaxaca,
with
several students present from the University of Oaxaca. On September
22, we
went to a meeting of the Mexico City APPO to inform them about the
protests in
New York and Rio de Janeiro, and to fight for the perspective of a
strike based
on the working class to halt the repressive machinery of the
capitalists. Contingent of the Grupo Internacionalista
in march of Oaxacan teachers as it arrived in México City,
October 9. (Photo: El Internacionalista) The
GI marched with the Oaxacan teachers during the last three days of the
APPO
march that arrived in the capital on October 9. We carried a banner
proclaiming: “Proletarian Solidarity with Oaxaca Teachers! For a
National
Strike Against the Murderous Government! Form Workers Defense
Committees! Down
with the PAN, PRI and PRD! Forge a Revolutionary Workers Party!” In protest against
the federal police invasion of Oaxaca,
the GI initiated – together with other student activists at the school,
essentially anarchists – a successful shutdown of CCH-Sur
on Thursday, October 26. The same day, several of our comrades
played an active role in carrying out a shutdown of the School of
Philosophy
and Literature at the National University (UNAM). On the 31st, during a
second
shutdown of CCH-Sur, students of the GI led a 150-strong march from the
campus
to the Oaxacan teachers plantón (encampment) outside
the Senate. These
were the main stoppages in Mexico City, along with a shutdown at
CCH-Naucalpan,
where a couple of days earlier a student was shot to death and four
wounded by porros
(pro-government thugs). At the same time, the
Grupo Internacionalista went to important
unions in the capital, urging them to strike against the repression. On
October
5, the GI led a brigade of students from CCH-Sur to electrical plants
to talk
with workers about the need to mobilize their tremendous social power
on behalf
of the Oaxacan strikers. In the course of the student walkouts against
the PFP
invasion, we took a contingent of 50 students to the headquarters of
the
Mexican Electrical Workers (SME) on October 31 to talk about the need
for
workers action in support of the Oaxcan strikers under attack. Teachers
march in Rio de Janeiro, September 21, with banner saying “SEPE of
Volta Redonda Calls On Working Class to Strike in Solidarity with
Teachers in Oaxaca, Mexico.” Comitê de Luta Classista, union
tendency of Liga Quarta-Internacionalista do Brasil, led struggle for
workers solidarity. (Photo: CLC) On
October 26, a spokesman for the GI and several student strikers went to
the
General Strike Council of the Union of Workers of the National
University
(STUNAM) where they asked to speak about the urgent case of Oaxaca. Our
comrade
said that “what is now happening in Oaxaca is part of a larger series
of
attacks by the bourgeoisie against the working people which has
extended over
the final stretch of Fox’s six-year term.” If the strike of the Oaxaca
teachers
is defeated, he added, “this will mean wage cuts and anti-union attacks
on
other sectors, particularly energy and education,” which have been in
the government’s
sights for some years. The
student walkouts, he went on, although they are important, “are far
from sufficient”
to stop the repression. The UNAM workers have every interest in
defending their
class brothers and sisters in Oaxaca, and so they should go on strike,
“not
only in defense of their jobs and wages, but also to bring to a
grinding halt
the repressive machinery of the government. What is needed is a
national strike
against the murderous government. The STUNAM could play a key role in
unleashing a struggle of the necessary proportions.” The speech by our
comrade
was well-received: we were told later by delegates who were present
that “it
shifted the ground for the workers” over the need to act against the
repression
in Oaxaca. September 21 New York
protest initiated by IG drew some 150 protesters, including NYC
teachers, City University professors and students. (Internationalist photo) In
another university labor organization, the Union of Workers of the
Autonomous
Metropolitan University (SITUAM), militants and sympathizers of the
Grupo Internacioanlista
who belong to the union spoke at the General Delegates Assembly on
November 8.
A comrade made an energetic intervention, noting that “the SITUAM has
called, over
and over, for carrying out actions of solidarity with the Oaxaca
teachers and
against repression. The time has come to pass from words to deeds.
What’s
necessary is not only to stop work this Friday, but to prepare a
national
strike against the repression.” He stressed that “the workers must
understand
that if there is a ‘final solution’ using the whole force of the state,
the
murderous attacks against workers’ struggles will spread to more and
more
places.” Our
motion did not succeed, but the next day at the Iztapalapa campus of
the UAM we
got a very positive reception from the workers, who voted to reproduce
a wall
newspaper produced by the GI on the struggle in Oaxaca. Although it may
not be
to the bureaucrats’ liking, they can’t escape the class struggle and
they may
be surprised to find that one fine day this giant, the Mexican
proletariat,
that has been pinned to the ground has broken the chains that bind it
and risen
up. It all depends on the attacks of the bourgeoisie and the capacity
of the
revolutionaries. We
have cited the activities of the Grupo Internacionalista and the League
for the
Fourth International to indicate how a small communist nucleus should
respond
to a large-scale class struggle. Our efforts have not always brought
immediate
results, but as shown by the student walkouts and shutdowns, they can
have an
effect. It’s worth recalling that during the UNAM strike of 1999-2000,
the GI
insisted repeatedly on the need for worker-student defense guards
until, on the
very day when the army was going to take University City, a contingent
from the
SME showed up to form the first workers defense guards (with hundreds
of participants)
seen in Latin American in a long time. …And to Forge a
Revolutionary Leadership The necessary actions
of solidarity and mobilization only
constitute a part of the tasks of the revolutionaries. What’s
indispensable is
the struggle to form the nucleus of a communist vanguard party to
resolve the
excruciating crisis of proletarian leadership. There is not going to
be, we
have repeated over and over, a greater example of audacity, tenacity
and courage
on the part of the workers than what we have seen in Oaxaca. They are
already
conscious of the need to break the shackles of bourgeois corporatism of
the national
SNTE, the CTM, the CROC and other charro (corporatist)
federations.
“Against Charro and Neo-Charro Unionism!” says the
Section 22
banner, showing greater consciousness than some opportunists, like the
Grupo
Espartaquista de México (Spartacist Group of Mexico), an outfit
that considers
these labor police bodies to be genuine workers unions. We have emphasized
that militancy is not sufficient in order
to win the struggle. To the extent that the Oaxacan strikers continue
to be
chained to capitalist sectors, their admirable spirit of struggle will
be
sacrificed, and they will be blackmailed in order to maintain a phony
“alliance” with so-called “progressive” bourgeois forces, in this case
Andrés
Manuel López Obrador and his Party of the Democratic Revolution.
Today, the
popular front around AMLO and the PRD is the biggest impediment
preventing the
mass strike in Oaxaca from having a powerful echo in the rest of the
country.
Therefore it is necessary to break with this class-collaborationist
alliance
and fight for a revolutionary workers party. Painting of Leon
Trotsky by Yuri Annenkov, last shown at Venice Biennale in 1924. It
must be a Leninist-Trotskyist party, because without the iron
organization and
intransigent program of the Bolsheviks, it won’t be possible to
overcome the
tremendous pressure of the bourgeoisie. Such a party will also have to
act as a
“tribune of the people,” the defender of all the oppressed, for the
emancipation and liberation of women, including the right to free
abortion on
demand, and for defense of homosexuals and demanding an end to all
anti-gay
laws. These demands will be viciously opposed by the Catholic church
and its
political representatives, including “community” leaders who raise the
Virgin
of Guadalupe on their banners in order to combat the unions and blind
the
workers as to their class interests. A revolutionary workers party must also be
the champion
of the poor peasants and Indians in the struggle against their age-old
exploitation and oppression, at the same time maintaining its class
independence against those who in raising the banner of Zapatism want
to repeat
the failed bourgeois revolutions of the past. Mexico has already had
three
“democratic” revolutions – that of Independence, from 1810 to 1822;
that of the
Reform, from 1855 to 1861; and the Mexican Revolution from 1910 to
1917. All
have monuments and avenues in the capital named after them, but their
leaders
were assassinated and the workers and peasants continue to be mired in
poverty.
The Grupo Internacionalista insists: the next Mexican revolution
will be a
workers revolution, or it will not be. The party we need to
win this class war must be internationalist
to the core. The tri-color flag belongs to the bourgeoisie, not to the
indigenous peoples massacred under colonial and republican rule alike;
nor is
it the flag of the peasants, who are used as cannon fodder by the
bourgeois
armies, including to kill their brothers as is now happening in Oaxaca.
Ours is
the red flag of the working class of the entire world, emblazoned with
the
hammer, sickle and “4” of the Fourth International. In contrast to
those who
want to compete with the PRI and the PRD in waving patriotic symbols,
the Trotskyists
fight to begin an international socialist revolution. Only
by extending the struggle north of the border, to the imperialist
centers, will
it be possible to mobilize the resources needed to overcome the
suffocating
economic backwardness endured by semicolonial countries like Mexico.
Precisely
because of the depredations of imperialism, today millions of Mexican
workers
are already indispensable parts of the U.S. productive machinery, both
those
who live “in the belly of the beast” and the hundreds of thousands who
work in
maquiladora plants on this side of the border, which is increasingly
artificial
in the face of the relentless march of the world capitalist economy. For
a few days Mexico is going to have three presidents (Andrés
Manuel López
Obrador, Felipe Calderón and Vicente Fox), all of them enemies
of the workers.
But while those at the top squabble over possession of Los Pinos
(Mexico’s
White House), they are worried that a new six-year term that begins
with a
bloodbath could be doomed. Moreover, their godfathers in Washington,
who think
they are the masters of the world, having gotten bogged down in Iraq,
are
well-aware that a miscalculation in Mexico would have repercussions
inside the
United States, The outcome of the struggle of the Oaxacan teachers will
be
decided on the national and international stage, where the Trotskyists
fight
for workers revolution throughout the Americas. n Forge a Revolutionary Workers Party! See also: The Battle of Oaxaca University (10 November 2006)
The “Other War” Against the Indigenous People of Oaxaca (10 November 2006) A Oaxaca Commune? (10 November 2006)
To contact the Internationalist Group and the League for the Fourth International, send e-mail to: internationalistgroup@msn.com |
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