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April 2010 Trying to Justify Support for
U.S. Invasion
SL Twists and Turns on HaitiHumanitarian aid workers? Hardly. Paratroops of the U.S. 82nd Airborne Division patrolling Port- au-Prince, January 19. IG said: No to imperialist occupation! U.S./U.N. Troops get out now! Photo: Moises Saman/Panos Pictures Since
the mid-1990s, following the wave of counterrevolution that brought
down the
Soviet Union and swept through East Europe, the Spartacist League
(SL/U.S.) and
its international tendency, the International Communist League (ICL),
have
undergone a process of degeneration. Step by step, the SL/ICL has
abandoned key
elements of the program of revolutionary Trotskyism it championed for
three
decades. Seemingly at every crisis or major turn of events, another
plank would
go: opposition to popular fronts (defined out of existence in Mexico,
the
United States, etc.), calls for defeat of their own imperialist rulers
in wars
on semi-colonial countries (trashed in the wake of 9/11), the demand
for
unconditional independence for U.S. colonies (dropped). The list goes
on and
on. Recently,
in the wake of the earthquake that devastated Haiti’s capital, as
Washington
sent thousands of U.S. combat troops and a naval armada to secure the
country,
the SL/ICL ostentatiously declared it was not
calling for withdrawal of U.S. and United Nations military forces.
Going
further, the SL newspaper Workers
Vanguard (No. 951, 29 January) justified
the presence of imperialist occupation forces in Haiti, falsely
claiming they
were engaged in – and indeed
essential to – distributing aid when in fact the U.S.
military was actively blocking relief flights and
refusing to
release what aid was arriving. In contrast, The
Internationalist put out a statement, “Haiti: Workers Solidarity,
Yes!
Imperialist Occupation, No!” (20 January), saying “Washington Exploits
Earthquake to Reoccupy the Country.” The
Democratic Obama administration in Washington reinvaded the island
under the guise
of emergency relief, and the ex-Trotskyist SL bought the cover story. In
order to hide its grotesque capitulation to the pressure and propaganda
of the
U.S. rulers, in the same article and in three subsequent issues, WV hysterically attacked the Internationalist
Group, claiming that our call for imperialist forces to get out of
Haiti “would
result in mass death through starvation.” In response, we issued a
statement,
“Spartacist League Backs U.S. Imperialist Invasion of Haiti” (30
January). The SL’s
apology for the U.S./U.N. “humanitarian” occupation of Haiti was
“social imperialism,”
we wrote, such as what was denounced by Lenin during World War I, who
excoriated those who claim to be socialist while in fact backing
imperialist
war. The SL came back with a frenzied response, “Haiti: IG Conjures Up
Revolution Amid the Rubble” (WV No.
952, 12 February), and a follow-up going after the misnamed Bolshevik
Tendency for
belatedly calling for imperialist troops out, “The BT on Haiti:
Postscript to
IGiocy” (WV No. 953, 26 February). Strikingly, WV portrays
Haiti in the same way as the
propaganda spewed out by the bourgeois press, which paints Haiti as
nothing
but violent slums with no working class. The imperialists then use this
caricature to justify the “need”
for U.S.
and U.N. troops to maintain “security.” Yet international observers
were
unanimous in remarking on the near absence of riots and the low level
of
looting, except for people desperately seeking food during the early
days when
the U.S. was blocking aid. In fact, the SL’s line on Haiti bore an
uncanny
resemblance to that of the right-wing Washington
Times (25 January), which editorialized on “The Upside of Yankee
Imperialism in Haiti”: “America's critics are claiming that the United
States
is using the pretext of earthquake relief to take over Haiti. The
Haitians
should be so lucky.... The United States deserves credit for this
humanitarian
effort, not blame for imagined invasions,” wrote this mouthpiece for
Sun Myung
Moon’s sinister Unification Church. Still, despite a similar line, the
latter-day Spartacists are not a bunch of Moonies, but opportunist
leftists
bowing to the pressure of “their own” imperialist rulers. Finally,
after squirming for weeks to justify its support to the U.S. military
“aid,” two
months later the SL tries to slither out of its predicament by calling
for “All
U.S./UN Troops Out of Haiti Now!” (WV
No. 955, 26 March). Sure, now, when
U.S. troops are securely entrenched on both sides of the capital, and
some are
even being withdrawn, but once again they denounce the IG for demanding
troops
out when the Yankee imperialists were moving in and it was necessary to
combat
illusions in their role in Haiti.
This
recalls Trotsky’s remark about the anarchist “theoreticians” who found
it
necessary to abandon their principles during the Spanish Civil War:
“Such
revolutionists bear a close resemblance to raincoats that leak only
when it
rains, i.e., in ‘exceptional’ circumstances, but during dry weather
they remain
waterproof with complete success.” So it is with the SL’s sometime
“opposition”
to U.S. occupation of Haiti. The
SL’s claims are the usual subterfuges of opportunists seeking to
justify the
unjustifiable. It is one thing to read old polemics about the
abandonment of
Marxist program by once-revolutionary groups, of their zigs and zags as
they
sink deeper into centrism and outright reformism – and something else
to see it
happening before your own eyes.1 SL
Amalgams and Straw Men Groups
that pretend to be socialist while apologizing for imperialism have to
resort
to myriad lies and distortions seeking to obscure the glaring
contradictions.
The Spartacist League today is no exception, dismissing reality and
dispensing
with intellectual honesty and even rudimentary logic in order to
obscure the
spectacle of an ostensibly revolutionary organization supporting a
military
occupation by its own imperialist government. Take WV 952’s claims that
“in its two
articles on the earthquake, the IG has only oblique and passing
references to
[Jean Bertrand] Aristide” and “the IG largely sidesteps the issue of
Aristide.”
They allege we avoid confronting illusions in the populist former
cleric who
was elected Haitian president in 1990 and 2000. Nonsense. All one has
to do is
look at our denunciation of the U.S. invasion of Haiti in 1994 “under
Bill
Clinton, to put in Aristide as Washington’s man in Port-au-Prince,” and
our
statement “Even former Liberation Theology priest Aristide dutifully
carried
out Washington’s dictates,” to see that this is false. Moreover,
a second article included in our January 2010 special issue of The Internationalist, “Haiti:
Battle
Over
Starvation
Wages
and
Neocolonial Occupation,” stressed that,
“in
forging a revolutionary consciousness, it is vital to combat illusions
in
petty-bourgeois and bourgeois nationalist forces.” Referring to current
Haitian
president Préval who was elected as a stand-in for Aristide, we
noted that, “both
Aristide and his former protégé [have] been loyal
enforcers for the Haitian
bourgeoisie and the imperialist overlords.” So WV’s
charge is a flat lie. Both articles are available on the
Internet, so interested readers can see for themselves. Or
another claim: WV No. 952 writes, “By
the IG’s logic, workers in the U.S. should be actively blocking any aid
being
shipped to Haiti by the U.S. military.” Once again, these inventers of
straw
men dream up positions for us in order to make a phony (and
particularly
stupid) polemic. The fact that we demanded the opposite, “Stop Blocking
Aid to
Haitian People – U.S./U.N. Forces Get Out!” is never mentioned – not
once in
four articles – by these professional prevaricators. What’s
more interesting is why the SL
resorts to transparent falsifications. It is desperate to make an amalgam between the Internationalist
Group and various pro-Aristide nationalists, such as the newspaper Haïti Liberté and the Stalinoid Workers
World, which regularly hails
Third World nationalists.2
Never
mind that the IG uniquely called to resist the imperialist coup that
ousted
Aristide in 2004 but explicitly not
to reinstall him as president.3
Never
mind that we called on Haitian workers to fight attempts by U.N. and
right-wing
Haitian forces to overturn Préval’s 2006 election victory, but not with the aim of installing Préval as
president.4
The SL makes this false equation in order to assert that “the IG’s
shrieking
about the supposed imperialist ‘invasion’ of a country already under
imperialist occupation” ... “essentially portrayed Préval and
his predecessor
Aristide not as quislings of the imperialist powers but as the
embodiment of
national independence.” So
the IG “largely” ignores Aristide and “essentially” hails him as the
embodiment
of Haiti’s independence? How blithely WV
drops in those weasel words to serve as an escape hatch for its
conscious,
deliberate falsification! The SL lies about our position on Aristide so
it can construct
a tangled sophist argument according to which our opposition to the
U.S.
imperialists’ renewed occupation of Haiti somehow equals “nationalism.”
They
falsely claim we prettify Washington’s former puppet in hopes of
distracting
readers from their support for the
imperialist puppet-masters. But
they have a little problem: we have repeatedly
denounced the imperialist occupation
of Haiti by Brazilian and other mercenary troops wearing U.N. blue
helmets over
the last six years, calling to drive out U.N. troops. Writing, as we
did, that
Aristide was “Washington’s man” and that he and Préval were
“loyal enforcers”
for the “imperialist overlords” hardly portrays them as representatives
of
Haitian independence. Our opposition to the recent reoccupation of
Haiti by the
U.S. military had nothing to do with support for Préval and
Aristide. Rather, it
was because the U.S. action was, as we wrote, “not intended to deliver
aid, but to put
down unrest by the poor and working people of Haiti.” In
contrast, the
SL social-imperialists justify the
dispatch of up to 20,000 U.S. troops to impose “order” on the Haitian
people in
the name of disaster relief. The
82nd Airborne as Humanitarian Aid Workers? The
central claim by the SL apologists for the U.S. imperialist takeover of
Haiti in WV 951 (29 January) is that “The U.S.
military is the only force on the ground with the capacity – e.g.,
trucks,
planes, ships – to organize the transport of what food, water, medical
and
other supplies are getting to Haiti’s population.” This is almost
word-for-word
what Pentagon press secretary Geoff Morrell said on January 27, when he
told
reporters: “No one can provide the kinds of assistance we can.... We
have to
provide the kind of security that will facilitate a safe, secure flow
of food,
water, medicine.” Morrell also laid out the U.S. rationale, saying that
this
shows “we are a force for good and try to provide assistance to those
who need
it around the world.” Belying the pretense of emergency aid, he added:
“we
envision that there will be a role for the United States military for
some time
to come in Haiti.” We
answered WV’s bogus claim in our
earlier (30 January) article. Since we noted that the U.N. claimed to
have fed
up to 310,000 people, a drop in the bucket considering that agencies
estimated
3 million people were in daily need
of emergency food supplies, WV
writes, “the question of how those hundreds of tons of supplies got to
Haiti
remains a mystery.” It’s no mystery. For starters, the U.N.’s World
Food
Program alone had 15,000 tons of
emergency food supplies stockpiled in
Haiti in warehouses around
Port-au-Prince filled with rice, beans and other foodstuffs, most of
which were
not seriously damaged (many didn’t have concrete roofs). One of them is
in the
huge slum area of Cité Soleil. But the U.N. “peacekeeping”
occupation troops, MINUSTAH, ordered international agency
personnel not
to distribute these supplies for a number of days out of fear of
“crime”
and unrest. Beyond
that, particularly since the terrible food shortages of early 2008, the
United
Nations World Food Program (WFP) has operated a Logistics Cluster in
Port-au-Prince, with an elaborate operation trucking in supplies from
the
Dominican Republic. You can see it on the Internet at http://www.logcluster.org/ops/hti10a
and http://wfplogistics.org/haiti-earthquake-2010.
You
can
look
at
the
daily updates going back to January 13 showing
conditions
of the roads, reports of space available, forms to submit for donated
shipments, and the like. This is how
the vast bulk of the food and other aid arrived in the Haitian capital.
For a
panorama photo of a warehouse of the Bureau de Nutrition et
Développement
warehouse stocked to the brim with bags of food, see http://www.nytimes.com/interactive/world/haiti-panoramas.html#/4.
Statistics?
The U.S. Department of Defense reported on February 17 that it had
brought in
7,000 tons of bulk food to Haiti; the
United Nations reported that Venezuela alone had donated 10,000 tons of
food,
Thailand donated 20,000 tons of rice. The WFP reports it has delivered
45,000 tons of food to Haiti since January 12. The DOD said it had
delivered
60 tons
of medical supplies; Médécins sans Frontières
(Doctors without Borders) alone
brought in 1,400 tons of medical supplies. The “meals ready to eat”
(MRE) brought
by the U.S. military were not for the Haitian population but a six-week
supply
to feed the troops and U.S. embassy personnel. The fact is that the
vast
majority of food and emergency supplies distributed in Haiti after the
quake were not
brought by the U.S. military, but through various governments,
international
agencies and so-called “non-governmental organizations.” Not
that we’re praising the work of this “humanitarian” aid apparatus. The
NGOs, of
which more than 1,000 were at work in Haiti before the earthquake, are
funded
by governments, international agencies and foundations. They are a
means by
which what used to be government functions are semi-privatized under
prevailing
“neo-liberal” policies of “free market” capitalism. They and the
International Red
Cross, the U.N.’s WFP and various church programs have for years
distributed
aid in Haiti since the U.S. has refused to let the Haitian government
touch the
money. Some agencies, like the various national Red Cross groups, are
stand-ins
for imperialist governments. The head of the American Red Cross is
named by the
U.S. president, Médicins sans Frontières was founded by
French foreign minister
Kouchner and provided medical aid to the CIA-financed anti-Soviet
mujahedin in
Afghanistan in the 1980s. The International Red Cross kept silent about
torture
at U.S. military prisons in Abu Ghraib and Guantánamo. The
point is not that these agencies are “good guys,” but simply that the
aid is
not being distributed by the U.S. military. Clearly, our demand that
U.S. and
U.N. forces get out of Haiti does not equal calling for mass
starvation, as the
SL cynically contends, but would have speeded up rescue missions and
delivery
of relief supplies. It is also interesting, in view of claims that they
are supplying
emergency relief, that U.S. forces (along with their Canadian allies)
took over all of Haiti’s ports, including in
the north (Cap Haïtien and Môle St. Nicolas, a deep-water
harbor just across
the strait from the Guantánamo Naval Base the U.S. stole from
Cuba), far from
the earthquake-devastated capital of Port-au-Prince. The
U.S. mission in Haiti was and is “security,” not aid. The U.S. military made its aims clear from
the outset.
Gen. Douglas Fraser, commander of SOUTHCOM, in his January 13 Pentagon
news
briefing defined the Haiti mission as a C3 operation: “we’re focused on
getting
command and control and communications.” More recently, the house organ
of the
U.S. military, Stars and Stripes (15
March) wrote, “Marines in Haiti training for Afghanistan.” The article
reports
that “the Marines from 3rd Battalion, 2nd Marine Regiment have been
honing
warfighting skills” in anticipation of their Afghan deployment. It
quotes one
corporal saying, “I want to kill the terrorists and get rid of the bad
people.” The
idea that the U.S. Army’s 82nd Airborne Division 2d Brigade Combat Team
or the
Marine Amphibious Unit of the 22nd Marine Expeditionary Unit are
humanitarian
aid workers delivering MREs to a starving population is grotesque.
Anyone (like
the Spartacist League) who pretends they are is peddling imperialist
propaganda. These units, which were deployed to Haiti after tours in
Iraq and
Afghanistan, are combat forces. Any incidental aid they hand out in
order to
gain good will is no more “humanitarian” than are “civic action”
medical teams
in counterinsurgency operations. Baits,
Non Sequiturs and Smokescreens Among
the diversionary arguments raised by WV
are the following:
Again, what we have here is an exercise in
what stage
magicians call “misdirection”: a bluff in order to draw attention away
from
what is really going on. With its
reasoning, the latter-day Spartacist League has simply wiped out
Haiti’s
independent existence with a few keyboard strokes. What does it matter
to the
SL if thousands of U.S. troops occupy another country? “Haiti has been
a UN
protectorate in all but name” anyway, dixit
WV,
so what’s the big deal if the U.S. nails it down? Well, it is a big
deal if you
are a Haitian worker facing U.S. soldiers of the 82nd Airborne with
their M16s,
even if some leftist flacks for the Pentagon claim the troops are there
to
provide aid and succor. And it is a threat to the entire region, since
strengthening U.S. imperialist control over Haiti provides another
precedent
for Washington’s intervention throughout Latin America. The
“Non-Existent” Haitian Working Class: The other centerpiece of the SL’s “argument”
for the
presence of U.S. troops is its claim that Haiti has “virtually no
working class,”
hence proletarian revolution is supposedly impossible on the island. At
a
February 24 forum in New York City on “Haiti Earthquake: Capitalism,
Occupation
and Revolution,” sponsored by the Internationalist Club at Hunter
College, we
responded that SL supporters in the audience could look at our
newspaper where a
large photo shows thousands of Haitian workers marching on Haiti’s
parliament
to demand a raise in the minimum wage last August. Or if they refused
to
believe their eyes, they could check out the clothes they were wearing,
since most
Hanes and Fruit of the Loom brand underwear is made in Haiti, as are
Levi’s
jeans and clothes from The Gap, Banana Republic, DKNY and other fashion
houses.
As we have stressed: “In a country with a numerically weak proletariat
such as
Haiti, throwing off the imperialist yoke can only come about as part of
a
struggle spanning borders from the island of Quisqueya [Hispaniola] to
Brazil
to the United States” (“Haiti: Battle Over Starvation Wages...”) But
revolutionary struggle could certainly break out there. This is fundamental to Trotsky’s perspective
of
permanent revolution, which holds that in the imperialist epoch
achieving revolutionary
democratic tasks such as agrarian revolution, national liberation and
democracy
“is conceivable only through the dictatorship of the proletariat as the
leader
of the subjugated nation, above all of its peasant masses,” led by a
communist
party, that “grows over directly into the socialist revolution” while
extending
internationally to the imperialist centers (Leon Trotsky, The
Permanent
Revolution [1930]). Although WV quotes
from this work, it is in order to deny that the permanent
revolution applies to Haiti – due to the supposed
lack of a working class.
It quotes a single sentence out of context to claim the authority of
the
co-leader of the Russian 1917 October Revolution for writing off
countries like
Haiti. What Trotsky meant, however, was quite different. Here is what
he wrote: “Under
the conditions of the imperialist epoch the national democratic
revolution can
be carried through to a victorious end only when the social and
political
relationships of the country are mature for putting the proletariat in
power as
the leader of the masses of the people. And if this is not yet the
case? Then
the struggle for national liberation will produce only very partial
results,
results directed entirely against the working masses.” The SL falsifiers leave out Trotsky’s
reference to the
maturity of the “social and political
relationships” (our emphasis), as well as the very next sentence, which
reads: “In
1905, the proletariat of Russia did not prove strong enough to unite
the
peasant masses around it and to conquer power.” Was
Trotsky saying that the proletariat in Russia was non-existent or
numerically
too weak to carry out a revolution? Obviously not. Yes, there are
economically
extremely backward areas that have “virtually no working class.” But
Haiti,
with 9 percent of its labor force in industry and thousands of workers
employed
in modern plants in export processing zones, is hardly the same as the
pastoral
society of Mongolia in 1920 or semi-feudal conditions in Afghanistan in
the
1980s. So what is the SL’s program for Haiti? What’s a (supposedly
non-existent)
Haitian worker to do? Emigrate to the
U.S. or Canada is the SL’s answer, referring to “a sizable Haitian
proletariat in the diaspora, which went unmentioned in the IG’s
revolution-mongering
around the earthquake.” We have already pointed that this ignores our
article
on Haitian workers printed in the same special issue of The
Internationalist which ends with an entire paragraph on the
vital role of Haitian and Dominican workers in New York City. Then
there is WV’s claim that “In the IG’s
fantasyland, the earthquake placed workers revolution on the immediate
agenda
in Haiti.” Did we say that? We did not. What we wrote was that
“particularly at
present where the machinery of the capitalist state is largely reduced
to
rubble and a few marauding bands of police,” Haiti’s “small but
militant
proletariat can place itself at the head of the impoverished urban and
rural
masses seeking to organize their own power.” We referred specifically
to the
experience of the Mexican earthquake of 1985, when “tens of thousands
of Mexico
City working people who were left homeless organized independently of
and
against the government whose soldiers prevented them from rescuing
their
neighbors and relatives.” We stressed that “leadership was key,” noting
that in
Mexico “various self-proclaimed socialist groups that took charge of
the
organizations of those affected by the quake turned them into agencies
for
channeling government welfare funds, thus squandering an opportunity
for
revolutionary mobilization.” This
is hardly saying that “now is the time” for Haitian working people to
“rise up
in revolution,” as the SL claims we say, but that Haitian workers can
take the
lead in organizing the vast poor population “independently of and
against the
government,” which lay in tatters. Ah, but “the real state power” in
Haiti for
the last six years has been the imperialist occupiers, says the SL. Yet
the
MINUSTAH was also laid low by the quake and barely functioning. History
shows
that natural catastrophes that reveal the incapacity of the bourgeois
regime to
provide even minimal conditions for survival of the population, and
whose toll
of death and destruction are vastly intensified by conditions created
by
capitalism, can spur revolutionary organizing. The 1972 earthquake that
leveled
Managua, Nicaragua was a key factor in setting off struggles that
eventually
brought down the Somoza dictatorship. But what does today’s SL care? It
would
no doubt write off Nicaragua as yet another country without a working
class,
like Haiti, Bolivia, etc. Shades
of Shachtman With
their refusal to call for U.S./U.N. troops out of Haiti and their
justification
of the U.S. military forces as supposedly saving lives, the SL borrowed
a
page
from the followers of Max Shachtman who became notorious as “State
Department
socialists.” (Secretary of State Clinton was said to be “mortified” at
accusations that the U.S. was using earthquake aid to reoccupy Haiti.)
Some
decades later, anti-Soviet Cold Warriors and “neo-cons” from the
Shachtmanite
Social Democrats U.S.A. staffed the upper echelons of the Reagan
administration, including U.N. ambassador Jeane Kirkpatrick (a fan of
“moderately authoritarian regimes” such as the Shah’s Iran); Carl
Gershman,
head of the National Endowment for Democracy (which replaced the CIA’s
covert
funding of international subversion) and Undersecretary of State Eliott
Abrams (a
key figure in the Iran/Contragate scandal). But for now the SL/U.S.
remains a
centrist outfit, albeit one that is lurching precipitously to the right. The
closest parallel to the Spartacist position is that of the British
Alliance for
Workers Liberty (AWL) of Sean Matgamna, whose article on Haiti could
have been
lifted from the pages of Workers Vanguard.
Matgamna and his AWL are the main current partisans of Shachtman’s
brand of
pro-imperialist “socialism” on the left, notorious for their support to
Israel.
The AWL writes: “The
basic accusation of much of what passes for the far-left is that the
US/imperialism is in the process of occupying Haiti under the pretext
of aiding
the relief effort. Some even add to this ‘analysis’ slogans about the
troops....
The logistics of the operation cannot be met by ‘civilian’ agencies. “At
the moment any ‘US troops out’ message, directly or by implication,
means ‘Let
the Haitian people starve and heal themselves’.” –“Haiti,
emergency aid and the left,” Solidarity
(4 February) Like the SL, the AWL claims that in Haiti
“the working
class, as a class, has been scattered and put out of work.” It also
admits that
“the US has an appalling history of bullying and bossing its poor
neighbour,”
and makes some noises about not endorsing U.S. policies, similar to the
SL’s
lame disclaimers about the “piggish” way the U.S. dispenses aid. But
according
to these avowed Shachtmanites, “the nature of its intervention, now, in
Haiti,
is not motivated by the need to ‘control Haiti’ through military
occupation.
Why would the US need to invade to ‘control Haiti’?” it asks. The
answer: while
Haiti may lack oil, it has one thing in common with Iraq – strategic
location,
just off Cuba and within striking distance of Washington’s current
nemesis in
Latin America, Hugo Chávez’ Venezuela. SL’s
Path to Social-Imperialism Since
the time of the Monroe Doctrine, the U.S. has considered the Caribbean
an
American lake and vigilantly kept other powers away from its Latin
American
pawns. It’s notable that the U.S. reoccupation of Haiti comes after the
Obama
administration’s complicity in the overthrow of Honduran president
Manuel
Zelaya last June. Spurred on by the Reaganite right, the Democrats in
power are
moving to encircle Venezuela. In light of the SL’s support for U.S.
occupation
of Haiti (since the country was already occupied), and its call (along
with the
U.S. State Department and pro-imperialist forces) for a “no” vote on
Chávez’
December 2007 referendum (we called for a blank ballot), it is curious
indeed that WV has not seen fit to print one
word, much less an article, against the U.S. backed Honduran coup. The
SL’s line on Haiti also recalls its shift on Puerto Rico in 1998, when
it
suddenly “corrected” its longstanding position of advocating
independence for
the U.S.’ main Caribbean colony. Instead it only called for recognizing
Puerto
Rico’s right to self-determination, as every recent U.S. president has
done, including
George Bush II. This is no minor matter, as one of the famous “21
Conditions”
for admission to the Communist International under Lenin and Trotsky
required
that: “Any party wishing to join the Third International must
ruthlessly expose
the colonial machinations of the imperialists in its ‘own’ country,
must
support – in deed, not merely in word – every colonial liberation
movement,
demand the expulsion of its compatriot imperialists from the
colonies....” In
that case as well, the SL’s “correction” – refusing to call for the
expulsion
of U.S. imperialism from Puerto Rico just as it recently refused to
call for
the expulsion of the imperialists from Haiti – came in a polemic
against the IG
which continues to uphold the Leninist position of unconditional
independence
for colonies (see “ICL
Renounces Fight for Puerto Rican Independence,” The
Internationalist No. 6, November-December 1998). The
SL’s justification for not opposing the U.S.’ “humanitarian” occupation
of
Haiti boils down to: there is/was no alternative. Former members of the
Spartacist
League who were active in the 1970s have written to us that they were
struck by
the parallels between the SL’s current line and the arguments of the
Socialist
Workers Party in 1974 justifying its demand that U.S. troops be sent to
defend
blacks in Boston against anti-busing racist mobs (i.e., that the armed
fist of
the ruling class – the main enforcer of racist oppression – be
pressured into “defending”
the oppressed). Just as the SL today vituperates against “deranged and
grotesque fantasies” of the Internationalist Group when we call for
Haitian
working people to “organize their own power” independently of and
against the
bourgeois state, the SWP’s Peter Camejo railed against calls for
workers
defense guards in Boston, saying: “The Black Community lives in the
real world,
and it demands real, meaningful solutions, not unrealistic slogans” (Militant, 1 November 1974). Unlike
the latter-day SL and before it the SWP, the Internationalist Group and
League
for the Fourth International polemicize against positions that groups
actually hold
rather than inventing policies for them. What’s at stake here is far
more
important than the tawdry and dishonest point-scoring that the SL
revels in. As
we noted in our January 20 statement, under Barack Obama, the U.S.
imperialist rulers
have switched gears to posture as defenders of “human rights.” And as
we pointed
out, from Woodrow Wilson to Bill Clinton, both of whom invaded Haiti,
this is
standard operating procedure for Democratic presidents. The purpose is
to reel in
liberals and reformists, like those who supported Clinton’s two wars on
Yugoslavia in the name of defending the rights of Bosnian Muslims and
Kosovar
Albanians. What’s striking in this case is that a centrist
group, the Spartacist League, has taken the bait. While
support to imperialist occupation is a small step for reformists, who
only seek
to modify imperialist policies rather
than to bring down the imperialist system, in the case of the SL/ICL it
should
be harder to digest – unless the membership is already so inured to
careening down
the revisionist road that they can’t see they just went over a cliff. The
SL disingenuously claimed in its initial article that “We have always
opposed
U.S. and UN occupations in Haiti and
everywhere – and it may become necessary to call for U.S./UN out of
Haiti in
the near future” (WV No. 951, 29
January). We noted that this meant that these
pseudo-Trotskyists-become-apologists-for-U.S.-imperialism
were not opposing the U.S./U.N.
occupation in the here and now, as U.S. imperialist troops were
arriving in
Haiti in the guise of providing emergency aid. As for past SL
“opposition” to
U.N. occupation of Haiti, this was hardly of any great import: up to
2010 WV had one brief article at the time of
the 2004 U.S./French/Canadian invasion – the only
article on contemporary Haiti it published since the founders
of the Internationalist Group were expelled by the SL/U.S. in 1996,
compared to
20 in the decade before then. The SL’s newfound “opposition” to the
occupation is
just as chimerical as before, it only exists on paper, like the rest of
its
politics as it flees the class struggle. Its supreme disinterest makes
clear that
the SL’s main concern over Haiti is to denounce the IG. For
our part, the Internationalist Group and League for the Fourth
International
have done our level best to fight the U.S. occupation of Haiti. In the
U.S., the
IG helped organize protests on January 21 and February 4 outside the
U.S.
mission to the U.N. We put out a special issue of The
Internationalist headlining “Haiti: Workers Solidarity, Yes,
Imperialist Occupation, No!” We have sold well over 100 copies in the
Haitian
areas of New York City, as well as going to weekly meetings with
Haitian activists
in Brooklyn and speaking on February 20 on Radyo Panou in a program
that was
rebroadcast in Haiti. We organized a February 24 panel discussion at
the City
University of New York together with Haitian and Dominican leftists,
where we
put forward our different programs of what should be done. In Brazil,
the LFI
section, the Liga Quarta-Internacionalista do Brasil, put out a special
issue
of Vanguarda Operária with a
collection of articles on Haiti calling to mobilize to drive Brazilian
troops
out of Haiti and out of the slums of Rio de Janeiro. The LQB also
demonstrated
in the city of Salvador with a banner calling for U.S./U.N. and
Brazilian
troops out. In Mexico the LFI section, the Grupo Internacionalista, put
out a
38-page supplement to El
Internacionalista of articles on Haiti. So
now, two months later, Workers Vanguard
No. 955 announces that the SL is calling
for U.S. troops out of Haiti. It claims that in WV 951
it
“made
clear”
that
“we were not for the U.S. military
going into Haiti” – an outright lie, they never said it – but they
would not
call for “the immediate withdrawal of any forces there were supplying
such aid
as was reaching the Haitian masses.” No, WV
swore that the U.S. military was
providing such aid, whitewashed the U.S. military takeover as a
“supposed
imperialist ‘invasion’,” and opposed
withdrawal of U.S. forces, which were in
fact “securing” Haiti for imperialism. This is a pure case of the
“cynical
phrasemongering” the SL falsely accuses us of. But the bottom line is
that when
the Pentagon invaded, when it was necessary to take a stand, to expose
the
Obama administration’s humanitarian pretensions and demand it stop
blocking the
aid, these fakers went for the U.S.
justification for occupation, hook, line and sinker. This
is a sharp turn, but it didn’t come out of the blue. Following the 9/11
attack
on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon, the IG put out a 14
September 2001
statement, “U.S.
Whips Up Imperialist War Frenzy, Drives Toward Police State,”
calling to
defeat the U.S./NATO war drive and defend Afghanistan. At the same
time, the SL
put out a statement
(see WV No. 764, 14 September 2001)
that went on for paragraphs denouncing terrorism, yet didn’t call to
defend
Afghanistan nor to defeat the U.S. war. When after a few weeks, it came
out for
defense of Afghanistan, it coupled this with denouncing us for
allegedly pandering
to “anti-Americanism” for upholding the Leninist position (which the SL
precipitously dropped) of being for the defeat of “one’s own”
imperialism in a
war on a semi-colonial country. We encourage people to read both the SL
and IG
statements, as well as our response
to WV’s ominous “anti-American”
baiting of the Trotskyists. To
justify its support to U.S. troops in Haiti, WV 951
cited an article by Trotsky, “Learn to Think: A Friendly
Suggestion to Certain Ultra-Leftists” (May 1938), in which the
Bolshevik leader
rightly said that “workers would not interfere with soldiers who are
extinguishing a fire or rescuing drowning people during a flood.” WV claimed that this applied to Haiti,
even though what Trotsky wrote was that the proletariat does not enter
into a
struggle in all cases “against its own ‘national’ army.” He wasn’t
speaking
about an invading imperialist army,
and certainly not one that was blocking, not delivering aid. Now WV treats us to a quotation from the
then-Trotskyist Militant writing in
1941 about U.S. aid to the Soviet Union in the middle of the
imperialist Second
World War, while remarking that “the circumstances were different than
those in
Haiti today.” That’s putting it mildly. This is what’s known in the
trade as “baffle
’em with bullshit,” a common practice of opportunist groups trying to
cover up their
betrayals. The revisionist SL seems to have mastered the technique. Our
friendly suggestion to certain centrists, like the SL, is, to cite
another
Trotsky article, “Even Slander Should
Make Some Sense” (August 1933). With its support to Washington’s
“humanitarian”
invasion, the SL placed itself to the right not only of much of the
reformist
left but also of rad-lib types like Amy Goodman of Democracy Now, who
along with
Al Jazeera TV documented how the U.S. and U.N. were blocking aid from
reaching
the Haitian population. While WV now
claims that this zig is over, one has to wonder where the next zag will
take
it. It may still keep twisting and turning for some time in a bizarre
centrist holding
pattern, but Haiti marks a milestone in the SL’s flight from
revolutionary
Trotskyism. ■ 1 And now the SL is back at it. In its latest issue, WV No. 956 (9 April) attacks the Internationalist Group yet again, this time over – what else? – a panel discussion on public education. Here WV conjures up an “alliance” between the IG and “scabherders” that exists nowhere but in the SL’s fevered imagination. It all reeks of desperation, and it’s oh-so predictable: one of the first rules in Mudslinging for Dummies is to just keep on slinging mud, never mind the content, in hopes that some of it will stick. But after a while it dawns on observers that it is the mudslingers themselves who are covered with it. 2 Stalin used the technique of the amalgam (mixing up diverse elements) frequently against Trotsky, equating the Trotskyists with Francoist forces in the Spanish Civil War, and notably in the murderous Moscow Purge Trials, claiming an identity between Trotsky (as well as other Bolshevik leaders, including Zinoviev, Kamenev and Bukharin) and counterrevolutionaries seeking to overthrow the Soviet Union – and on that basis executing every remaining member of the Bolshevik Central Committee of 1917. 3 See “Combat the Coup Plotters – No Political Support to Aristide! Organize Worker-Led Resistance Against Death Squad Invaders!” The Internationalist leaflet, 28 February 2004. 4 See “Attempted Election Theft in Haiti: Form Committees of Working and Poor People to Expropriate the Bourgeoisie and Drive Out U.N. Mercenaries! No Confidence in Préval – Workers to Power!” The Internationalist No. 26, April-May 2006. To contact the Internationalist Group and the League for the Fourth International, send e-mail to: internationalistgroup@msn.com |