For an All-Out Auto Strike
to Shut Down the Big 3
Junk
the Tiers – Top Pay Rate for All
Striking United Auto Workers picket at Ford assembly
plant in Wayne, Mich., shortly after midnight Friday,
Sept. 15.
(Photo: Paul
Sancya/AP)
Restore Full Pensions and Health Coverage! Real COLA,
Based on Union Figures!
Break with the Bosses’ Parties – For a Class-Struggle
Workers Party!
A condensed version of this article was issued as an
Internationalist leaflet (click on illustration below
to download a pdf copy).
SEPTEMBER 14 – The working people who
make this country run are hurting, bad, while the
exploiters who live off our labor are making out like
bandits. A showdown with the “Big Three” auto companies
offers a chance to launch an offensive of militant class
struggle to undo decades of union defeats that have led
to the present obscene level of inequality, unparalleled
since the late 1920s. But to wage and win such an
offensive requires a program and leadership prepared to
take on the bosses, their parties (Democrat and
Republican) and their government.
Click
on image on right to download.
Ever since the COVID pandemic, U.S. corporations have
been raking in eye-popping profits as household incomes
are slashed. Last year, the drop in real wages
(deducting for inflation) was the largest since the
2007-09 economic crisis. It was the third year in a row
that workers’ pay has fallen. This stark fact has driven
demands for sharply higher wages in major union
contracts. The big business press worried about – and
many workers hoped for – a “summer of strikes.” It
didn’t happen. Why not? A sellout labor bureaucracy that
wants to play ball with the bosses.
The Hollywood writers and actors unions walked out, and
are still out after months on the picket lines. But the
Teamsters caved, settling with UPS for a contract that
left part-time workers still toiling for poverty pay.
ILWU West Coast dock workers, meanwhile, after working
without a contract for a year, agreed to a deal that let
maritime bosses introduce job-killing technology in
exchange for union jurisdiction on the docks. Now a
strike by the United Auto Workers (UAW) is posed as the
contracts with the Big Three auto makers expire at
midnight.
This is a tremendous opportunity for labor to strike
back at the head-on assault on the living standards of
working people throughout the country. But instead of
calling for an all-out strike shutting down all three of
the auto giants, the UAW leadership, headed by union
president Shawn Fain, is calling for a token “strike” at
just three (!) plants of different companies to pressure
the employers. Instead of mobilizing the membership for
a knock-down, drag-out battle with the bosses, the union
tops are using pin-pricks to needle them. This
“strategy” can never win.
We’ve said it many times, and it’s still true: if
you play by the bosses’ rules, you’re sure to lose –
labor’s gotta play hardball to win.
When the union demanded a 40% pay hike over four years,
and then reduced it to 30%, Ford, GM and Stellantis
(Chrysler) upped their insulting “offers” to 20, 18 and
17.5% respectively – 5% or less per year – which would
barely cover losses to past inflation. Their
proposals for a cost-of-living adjustment (COLA
escalator) are a joke, providing zero wage protection
for future price increases. Most importantly, all three
companies rejected outright the UAW’s call to end
tiers: for top pay rate after 90 days on the
job, restoring full pensions and retiree health care.
On the picket line at
Wayne, Michigan Ford assembly plant, September 15.
(Internationalist photo)
For years, UAW workers have been demanding an end to
the two-tier system in which workers hired after 2007
(the large majority) get starting pay of only $18 an
hour, taking eight years to reach the top rate of
$32.32/hour, which is itself outrageously low, not
nearly enough for a family. “Temporary” workers start at
$16 an hour (or less, at Chrysler) for at least two
years. This system, key to the Big 3’s profits (up 65%
since 2019), was agreed to by the super-corrupt
Administration Caucus that ran the union since the late
1940s, almost three-quarters of a century.
The new leadership of the UAW headed by Shawn Fain is
formally calling to end the tiers, and is making a show
of openness about negotiations. But it is not mobilizing
the ranks for the hard fight it will take to get rid of
multi-tier wages that are key to the auto giants’
profitability, and a PowerPoint presentation in a
livestream event or on Facebook is not democratic
control by the ranks over bargaining. Bottom line: you
won’t get rid of tiers by playing nice with the bosses.
So don’t be surprised when the UAW
tops jettison this key demand as bargaining “gets
serious.”
What it will take to defeat the concerted action of the
mega-corporations, and the cops, courts and capitalist
politicians who do their bidding, is a mobilization of
the union ranks in an all-out strike shutting down all
the unionized auto plants across the country. The call
to end the tier system must be made a
non-negotiable demand, and to counter a bureaucratic
sellout, auto workers should fight for an elected
UAW strike committee, with hundreds of
delegates representing every plant and shop, who can be
recalled at any time by the members. As we wrote in the
2019 strike:
“key to any real victory is to insist
that no one goes back until all go back equal: junk
the tier system, make ‘temporary’ workers full-time,
equal pay for equal work, now!”
–“For a Big 3 Nationwide Auto Strike!” The
Internationalist, September 2019
Forge a Class-Struggle
Leadership!
To win against the giant auto/truck corporations will
require a struggle in which the almost 150,000 UAW auto
workers, with a class-struggle leadership, connect this
fight with that of all the oppressed sectors in this
rotting capitalist system, and with our sisters and
brothers internationally. Back when Detroit was Motor
City, it was a powerhouse of the U.S. economy and a
center of black culture. But after the 1967 upheaval
over racist police repression and the failure of the
civil rights movement to alter conditions in the
northern ghettos, and the brutal suppression and
occupation of black Detroit by the National Guard, the
city was devastated.
Still, in the early 1970s, Detroit auto was a hotbed of
labor militancy. The League of Revolutionary Black
Workers took root in the plants, where many leftist
activists were active. Then came the mass layoffs in the
economic crisis after the end of the U.S.’ losing
imperialist war on Vietnam. All the Big 3 shut their
inner-city plants, conveniently getting rid of militant
blacks and reds, and as Chrysler filed for bankruptcy in
1979, Democratic president Jimmy Carter stepped in to
force union concessions, which the UAW bureaucracy
willingly accepted.
As a result, black Detroit south of Eight Mile Road
became a ghost town. With the auto plants gone, the city
lost its tax base and tens of thousands of black auto
workers lost their jobs. Municipal services were gutted.
The Democrats had done the dirty work for the capitalist
system by keeping the lid on during the urban upheavals
of the 1960s and ’70s. As the racist regime of
Republican Ronald Reagan went after the unions and black
people generally, conditions in Detroit grew steadily
worse.
Across the country, and particularly in the industrial
heartland of the Midwest, once vibrant cities became a
rustbelt of shuttered factories. Many companies shipped
their production overseas as Democrats and Republicans
embraced the mantra of “free trade” and “globalization.”
We are still paying the price for the wrecking job on
the black working class that was carried out by the
capitalist ruling parties acting in tandem, as the
pro-capitalist labor officialdom presided over the
destruction of the unions while chaining workers to the
bosses through the Democrats.
The bureaucracies that have blocked the power of the
organized working class are not simply a bunch of
corrupt sellouts, although there are plenty of those. It
is a whole social layer, sitting atop the unions while
seeking to “mediate” between labor and capital by
keeping the workers down. This layer was installed in
the late 1940s, as the Democrats spearheaded a “red
purge” that kicked out the socialists and communists who
had built the industrial unions in the class battles of
the ’30s.
During and after the pandemic, the union tops blocked
workers’ struggle with “no-strike” contract clauses at a
time when they could have forced through their demands
as the bosses were desperate to keep the supply chain
going. The Wall Street Journal (12 September)
reported: “Wages and benefits for nonunion workers were
up 15.8% from the end of 2019 through June, compared
with a 12.2% gain for unionized workers, according to
the Labor Department.” Those figures are a stark
condemnation of the sabotage of the unions by
the labor bureaucracy.
Recently, as discontent was boiling in the
rank-and-file, old-line bureaucrats have been replaced
by newer leaders who have been posturing as militants.
This was the case of Sean O’Brien in the Teamsters, who
once was a vice president in the regime of James Hoffa
Jr., and now of Shawn Fain in the Auto Workers. But as
shown by O’Brien’s sellout of part-time UPS workers, who
are the majority of union members there, installing new
tough-talking leaders does not change the role of the
bureaucracy in chaining workers to the bosses.
Fain was elected on the slate of Unite All Workers for
Democracy (UAWD), which had campaigned for direct
election of UAW officers (president and executive
board). In this, they were the continuation of the New
Directions caucus in the 1980s and Teamsters for a
Democratic Union (TDU) which backed O’Brien. Both of
these “union reform” groups betrayed workers by running
to the bosses’ courts and government to oust the
entrenched bureaucracy. Class-struggle unionists
condemned this appeal to the class enemy: Labor
must clean its own house.
In the case of the UAW, a federal government
investigation led to the convictions of more than a
dozen union officials, including two former presidents,
on charges of embezzlement, kickbacks and collusion as
they negotiated sweetheart deals with the Big 3 bosses.
This led to a December 2020 consent decree which allowed
a direct vote for top UAW officials. The UAWD supported
that government control of the union, and even went to
court to demand a greater say in selecting the federal
monitor who now oversees UAW finances and internal
affairs.
Another outfit which has sued the union in the
capitalist courts is the WSWS, which we have dubbed the
World Scab Web Site, as these fake-leftists have
literally sided with the bosses in opposing union
recognition in votes supervised by the National Labor
Relations Board (NLRB).1 Although these scabs
claim that the UAW is simply “a subdivision of the
companies,” they ran a candidate, one Will Lehman, for
union president in 2022. The WSWS also went to federal
court to demand that the government further rewrite the
union constitution, election rules and more.
Labor officials installed under the auspices of the
capitalist government will never wage the hard-knuckle
class struggle needed to defeat the auto bosses.
Moreover, the UAW under Fain is appealing to the
Democratic Party for support -- the same strikebreaking
government party that banned a rail workers walkout last
December. Now Biden booster Bernie Sanders is to be the
featured speaker at a union rally on Friday.
As for the Republican Donald Trump, he too is an enemy
of the workers. The former president when he was in
office bragged about how he got General Motors to sell a
Lordstown, Ohio plant that it was shutting down to a
non-union start-up that would build electric trucks. But
the company hardly produced any vehicles, and is now
filing for bankruptcy. While Trump works to turn working
people against each other using racism, and to set
American workers against their sisters and brothers in
other countries, it is crucial that striking auto
workers in the U.S. appeal for international solidarity
action from Mexican workers at Big 3 plants located
south of the border.
The UAW is facing enormous challenges, including the
struggle to organize non-union plants in the South. A
victorious strike against GM, Ford and
Stellantis/Chrysler that abolishes the tier system and
wins a major pay raise will go a long way to winning
that battle. The fight for auto workers’ livelihoods, to
escape from the low-wage misery they endure under
decaying capitalism, requires forging a class-struggle
leadership to oust the bureaucrats, break with the
Democrats and all capitalist parties and politicians,
and build a workers party, fighting for a workers
government and international socialist
revolution. ■