|
. |
November 2001
While
WV
Again Hails Democrat Barbara Lee
ICL
Refuses to Call for Defeat of U.S. Imperialism, “Anti-American” Baits the
Internationalist Group
It is common when once-revolutionary organizations turn toward opportunism
that they seek to cover their tracks by smearing and slandering those who
continue to uphold the Marxist banner. In the five years since leading
cadres of the Spartacist League and other sections of the International
Communist League were bureaucratically expelled, the SL/ICL has heaped
one lie and invention upon another in its frantic attempts to discredit
the Internationalist Group and the League for the Fourth International.
Now it is wartime, and the ICL is worried. So it lashes out at the IG/LFI
with a new and sinister smear. In the article published below, “SL Flinches
on Afghanistan War” (25 October), we reported how the Spartacist League
refused to call for defense of Afghanistan against imperialist attack right
up to the moment bombs started falling, and how the SL had an internal
discussion which decided not to call for the defeat of U.S. imperialism
in this war. This had been a subject of heated discussion between IG and
SL members in numerous marches, protests and meetings against the war in
previous weeks.
Now the SL has responded. An article in Workers Vanguard (No.
767, 26 October), titled “The Internationalist Group: Centrist Pathology,”
confirms
that the ICL does not call for defeat of U.S. imperialism
in
this war. Instead, it accuses the IG of “Playing the Counterfeit
Card of Anti-Americanism” and being soft on Islamic fundamentalism. Indeed,
WV
accuses us of playing to an audience of “‘Third World’ nationalists for
whom the ‘only good American is a dead American’.” What a monstrous lie!
Think about that for a moment. What does it mean to accuse Trotskyists
of “anti-Americanism” in wartime? The Stalinists did it at the outbreak
of World War II, and as the hammer of capitalist state repression came
down, 18 leaders of the then-Trotskyist Socialist Workers Party were jailed
for their courageous opposition to the imperialist war. Today, amid the
war hysteria against Islamic fundamentalism, the American bourgeois press
is filled with articles denouncing “anti-Americanism” in Europe. A generous
interpretation of the SL’s latest frenzied smear is that it is desperate
to get out of the line of fire, saying to the bourgeoisie, “It’s not us.”
Certainly not. Using supposedly “left” arguments, the SL pounds
on the same themes as the imperialist warmongers. And it’s not the first
time. In recent years the ICL has echoed the bourgeois press on China,
Tibet, Kosovo, Puerto Rico and other issues. But as U.S. bombs fall on
Kabul, the glare of the blasts sharply reveals this opportunism for what
it is: capitulation to the ruling class. WV argues:
“The IG’s call to ‘defeat’ a particular imperialist drive toward
war partakes of the view – which the reformists like the WWP and the ISO
are pushing for all they are worth – that imperialism is a ‘policy’ which
can be altered by means of pressure, presumably by some ‘movement’ on the
streets.”
This exercise in sophistry “partakes of” sophomoric debaters’ tricks. The
IG repeatedly denounces the idea that imperialism is a policy or that the
war can be defeated by a “peace movement.” Moreover, anyone can see there
is a world of difference between calling to defeat the U.S. and calling
to change Bush’s foreign policy.
The WV article continues: “From a Marxist perspective, however,
there is no way to ‘defeat’ the inevitable drive toward war by the capitalists
short of their being expelled from power through victorious workers revolution….”
So since it will take nothing less than socialist revolution to defeat
the general capitalist drive toward war, the Spartacist League does not
call for the defeat of “its own” bourgeoisie in this imperialist war
of depredation!
As Leninists, we call to defeat imperialism in this war as part of the
fight “For International Socialist Revolution!” as we proclaim in red on
the front page of the Internationalist special supplement (27 September).
As opportunists, the ICL cynically uses this subterfuge to abandon the
Bolshevik program to fight against imperialist wars.
As if to underscore the point, WV continues to praise black Democrat
Barbara Lee, the Congresswoman from the California East Bay area, for casting
“the sole vote against the resolution giving Bush a blank check for war”
(WV No. 765, 28 September). They have yet to inform their readers
that this same capitalist Representative voted for the $40 billion
emergency war budget that literally gave a blank check to the CIA to
step up its spying and dirty tricks.
Now the SL holds that Lee’s action represents “cracks in the bourgeois
edifice,” and that it “reflected the lack of enthusiasm for this war from
many black workers and youth.” So here we have a bourgeois politician acting
as the voice of discontent among black working people! This is the self-same
line presented by the Communist Party and Workers World Party reformists.
This alone shows the emptiness of the SL’s pretensions of building a revolutionary
workers party.
Workers World (here),
SL and CP all hail Democratic “dove” Barbara Lee.
In fact, Lee has been fêted by the entire “antiwar” popular front
in Berkeley-Oakland for her vote, as the New York Times (22 October)
reports in an article titled “Bastion of Dissent Offers Tribute to One
of Its Heros.” The Times article noted that “nowhere has that one vote
been more popular than in her own district, a bastion of left-liberal politics
where the two-party system means Democrats and Greens.”
We have challenged the SL to explain why it was correct to call to defend
Iraq, as the then-Trotskyist Spartacist League did in 1990 even before
the bombs started falling on Baghdad, and why it is supposedly wrong to
call to defeat the U.S. imperialist war today even after the bombs are
falling on Kabul. In 1991, Workers Vanguard repeatedly headlined
“Defeat U.S. Imperialism! Defend Iraq!”
Or maybe they are rethinking that one, too. If so, they might read the
article in WV No. 510 (21 September 1990), titled “The Left
and the Persian Gulf: Desperately Seeking Imperialist Doves,” which takes
the WWP et al. to task for seeking to “avoid defending Iraq in a war with
the U.S.” A caption sums it up: “Reform vs. Revolution: Reformist left
seeks bloc with Democratic ‘doves’ to cut losses for U.S. imperialism.
Spartacists call for defeat of American bourgeoisie, oppose imperialist
blockade.”
Or look at WV No. 512 with the front-page headline, “Defeat U.S.
Imperialism!” And there it is again in WV No. 513, this time on
a Spartacist banner, “Break the Blockade of Iraq! Defeat U.S. Imperialism!”
So what changed? What changed is, first, the Persian Gulf War was hotly
contested before the shooting began, whereas this time around U.S. rulers
have whipped up a real war frenzy; and second, today the Spartacist League
capitulates to and even buys into the hysteria.
The SL accuses the LFI of...insufficient fervor against Islamic fundamentalism.
Unlike the ICL, the LFI has intervened in actual struggle fighting against
both
Islamic fundamentalism and bourgeois nationalism (see “Algeria: Kabylia
in Revolt,” The Internationalist No. 12, Summer 2001). The ICL line that
Islamic fundamentalism is ascendant throughout the historically Muslim
world, in contrast, means it has nothing to say to anti-fundamentalist
youth and workers in Algeria who are confronting a bloody army-based regime
locked in a civil war against Islamic fundamentalists.
The ICL’s latest sharp turn to the right is a dramatic development:
renouncing a cornerstone of Leninist politics in the midst of a war. But
it is a part of a pattern of its recent capitulations. Calling for an independent
soviet Tibet when “free Tibet” becomes all the rage in rad-lib circles
(dropping it a year later when Clinton invites the Dalai Lama to the White
House). Renouncing its long-standing call for independence for Puerto Rico
even as U.S. imperialism escalates its use of its Caribbean colony as a
bombing range and launching pad for invasions. “Barbara Lee, yes – colonial
independence, no” might as well be the ICL’s slogan today.
Now on Afghanistan, the ICL’s main emphasis is that it was the first
to fight against Islamic fundamentalists like the Taliban, while it refuses
to defend Afghanistan until the shooting starts. This reflects trends within
a certain liberal bourgeois milieu. A recent book by Pakistani journalist
Ahmed Rashid, Taliban (Yale University Press, 2000), quoted an article
from the Washington Post about a 1999 Hollywood Oscar party by the
Feminist Majority to honor Afghan women: “The Taliban’s war on women has
become the latest cause célèbre in Hollywood. Tibet is out.
Afghanistan is in.”
Today, while the IG/LFI call for class war against the imperialist war,
the SL/ICL calls only for “Class Struggle Against Capitalist Rulers At
Home.” This could mean just about anything, including simple wage strikes,
and in the context of the SL’s new line, the emphasis on “at home” is counterposed
to the call to defeat the imperialists abroad. Yet the history of proletarian
struggles around the world underlines that defeats for the imperialists
in their aggression abroad foster class struggle within the imperialist
heartland, and it is when workers in the imperialist countries come to
understand the need to defeat their rapacious imperialist rulers that they
can achieve genuinely internationalist class consciousness. The SL line
amounts to nationalist, economist social-pacifism.
While we’re at it, we challenge the SL/ICL to name one colony in the
world today where they call for independence. We’ve asked several SL cadres,
and their response was, “I don’t know.” They obviously don’t care much
either.
SL/ICL Flinches on
Afghanistan War
Over the course of the last month and a half, following the September
11 attack on the World Trade Center and Pentagon and the imperialist war
on Afghanistan by the United States and NATO, many organizations on the
U.S. left have reacted true to form. The reformists of the Workers World
Party (WWP) and Internationalist Socialist Organization (ISO) predictably
set up competing “peace” coalitions, mini popular fronts whose purpose
is to head off real struggle against the war by tying protesters to bourgeois
political figures such as former U.S. attorney general Ramsey Clark. The
Communist Party U.S.A. as usual wrapped itself in the stars and stripes.
A slew of smaller groups issued “me too” statements “against terrorism,”
in effect begging to be admitted into the imperialists’ “anti-terrorist”
crusade. They only want to “give peace a chance” to accomplish the same
aims as the war unleashed by U.S. president Bush and his deputy sheriff,
British prime minister Tony Blair.
One group which made a notable shift is the Spartacist League, U.S.
section of the International Communist League (SL/ICL). For three decades
the Spartacist tendency upheld the program of revolutionary Trotskyism.
In the Vietnam War in the 1960s and early ’70s, the Afghanistan war and
Central American civil wars of the 1980s and the Persian Gulf War of 1990-91,
the SL/ICL called for defeat of U.S. imperialism and stood on the side
of the countries and insurgencies Washington was attacking. But following
its turn toward centrism in the mid-1990s (carried out in conjunction with
the expulsion of a number of long-time Spartacist cadres), September 11
produced a new and highly significant line change by the SL. We have pointed
out that its first statement, under the empty headline “The World Trade
Center Attack,” called neither to defend the countries targeted
by the U.S. for attack nor for defeat of the mounting imperialist
war drive. At most they called to “oppose” eventual U.S. “reprisals,” which
is no more than the WWP/ISO did.
The next issue of the SL’s Workers Vanguard (28 September) had
the equally insipid headline, “Repression, Recession and War,” and was
overwhelmingly dedicated to the domestic U.S. situation (an accompanying
article did the same for Europe). This time they called for U.S. “hands
off” Afghanistan and Iraq, and buried in the fine print they said “defend
Iraq” (but not Afghanistan), which again was no more than the reformists
were calling for. Indeed, WV’s front page could easily have been
mistaken for Workers World. The resemblance was even more striking
because Workers Vanguard joined the WWP and CPUSA in praising black
Democratic Congresswoman Barbara Lee of Oakland, saying that “to her credit”
she was the only Representative to vote against “giving Bush a blank check
for war.” Not only does WV not make a single criticism of Lee, it
doesn’t mention that even as she voted against the “use of force” resolution,
the Congresswoman voted for the $40 billion emergency war credits bill
that included a blank check for the CIA!
In line with this, WV failed to mention how the reformists typically
try to find some Democratic “dove” to line up behind in building their
popular-front “peace” coalitions. Compare the SL’s recent articles with
the Spartacist supplement (July 1971) titled “Against NPAC Pop Fronts:
For Class Action Against the War”. The article pointed out the role
of opportunist leftists in shoring up bourgeois ideology in the working
class and hailing “antiwar” capitalist politicians, and emphasized:
“Workers see their most sophisticated enemies ([Eugene] McCarthy,
[John] Lindsay, [Vance] Hartke) lauded by the supposed ‘Marxists,’ cheered
on by the labor parasites who serve the bourgeoisie within the workers’
own organizations.”
But today WV joins in the uncritical lauding of Democrat Barbara
Lee. After all, among its other revisions the SL has now decreed that there
can be no such thing as a popular front in the U.S. And how should it distinguish
itself from the ISO/WWP when in practice the SL imitated the dueling reformists
(front-load attacks on “terrorism,” hail Barbara Lee and her “no blank
check for war” vote, and merely “oppose” reprisals rather than wage a revolutionary
fight against “their own” bourgeoisie)? The main difference WV cited
was the fact that it correctly said “Hail Red Army in Afghanistan!” in
the 1980s, whereas the ISO then hailed the CIA’s mujahedin.
Finally, after U.S. bombs started raining down on Kabul beginning October
7, the SL came out for defense of Afghanistan. But still there was a curious
absence: the WV (12 October) article does not call for defeat of
U.S. imperialism and its war. It turns out this is no mere slip. We have
learned that the ICL had an internal discussion on slogans in which it
decided not to call to defeat imperialism in the war. This was no doubt
at least partly in response to our special issue of The Internationalist
(27 September) prominently headlined “Defeat the U.S./NATO War Drive!”
More on this below.
What about defense of Afghanistan? WV snidely remarks that “the
IG objects because we didn’t join them in their call to defend a country
that was not yet under military attack.” Oh no? During the previous weeks
we several times challenged SLers to defend their non-defense of the countries
in the Pentagon’s cross-hairs. What about the fact that there are three
aircraft carrier battle groups off Pakistan, we asked them; what about
the fact that teams from the 82nd and 101st Airborne were already operating
inside Afghanistan since mid-September; what about the war powers resolutions
voted by the U.S. Congress, NATO and UN, etc.? The SLers lamely responded
that just because the U.S. fleet is there doesn't mean they're going to
hit Afghanistan and they didn't know what the U.S. special forces hit teams
were up to (they certainly weren't playing Parcheesi!).
We pointed out that during the period from August 1990 to January 1991,
when the U.S. fleet and army were lining up for the Persian Gulf War, the
SL called to defend Iraq and attacked the reformists for their refusal
to do so. (SLers lamely replied that there was a UN blockade of Iraq at
the time, but what about UN sanctions against Afghanistan in force for
the last two years?) The SL’s new conditions for defending one of the poorest
countries on earth under attack by the world’s greatest imperialist superpower
are so hairsplitting that it was like they were making a legal brief invoking
Article 7 (§b) of the UN charter, more difficult even than getting
the proverbial camel through the eye of a needle (Matthew 19:24). And if
Afghanistan wasn't under attack why didn't they inform the Afghan population,
which had been fleeing Kabul in droves since September 11? If the SL/ICL
didn’t know that Afghanistan was under attack prior to October 7, they
were the about the only ones on the planet who didn’t. The real explanation
for their line is “duck and cover,” and its political content is economist
social pacifism.
Take WV’s reference (28 September) to “the American bourgeoisie,
whose only ‘patriotic’ commitment is to its bottom line.” Perceptive WV
readers must have done a double-take over that line, a staple of social
democracy which complains that the capitalists have no national loyalties.
Some of that “anti-globalization” rhetoric seems to be rubbing off on the
ICL. Another significant “tilt” is the emphasis the SL has given in its
statements and slogans. First there was the focus on “terrorism” in its
initial declaration rather than denouncing imperialism’s war drive. Subsequently,
in signs and slogans at “antiwar” demonstrations and in its forums, the
SL presents itself as the vanguard fighter against Islamic fundamentalism,
making George Bush some kind of Johnny-come-lately. A flyer for an SL forum
at Columbia University headlines “Afghan Women Enslaved by Islamic Reaction,”
only afterwards mentioning this is “Product of U.S. Imperialism’s Anti-Soviet
War.” This is while New York Democratic Representative Carolyn Maloney
is getting up in Congress dressed in a burqa (the head-to-toe Afghan
“veil”) to make war propaganda over the Taliban’s vicious oppression of
women!
Congresswoman
dons burqa, using “anti-Islamic fundamentalist” theme for war propaganda.
But most significant is the SL’s new opposition to calling for the defeat
of “their own” bourgeoisie in an imperialist war. All talk of socialist
revolution comes down to “pie in the sky in the sweet bye-and-bye” if you
don’t come out four-square for the defeat of “your own” bourgeoisie in
an imperialist war. As V.I. Lenin wrote in July 1915 amid the carnage of
the first imperialist world war, “During a reactionary war a revolutionary
class cannot but desire the defeat of its government.” He added, “This
is axiomatic, and disputed only by conscious partisans or helpless satellites
of the social-chauvinists” who supported the war (see his article, “The
Defeat of One’s Own Government in the Imperialist War”). Lenin returned
to this over and over, writing for example in his pamphlet Socialism
and War: “A revolutionary class cannot but wish for the defeat of its
government in a reactionary war, and cannot fail to see that the latter’s
military reverses must facilitate its overthrow”; and in a war of Morocco
against France, or of India against Britain, “any socialist would wish
the oppressed, dependent and unequal states victory over the oppressor,
slave-holding and predatory ‘Great’ Powers.”
This has been a settled question for Marxists since World War I. Centrist
“social pacifists” such as Karl Kautsky who claimed to oppose the war in
words while refusing to break from the “social-patriotic” supporters of
the war in deeds bitterly opposed Lenin’s policy of revolutionary defeatism.
Today WV quotes from Trotsky on imperialist war, it does not cite
the section on the struggle against imperialism and war in the 1938 founding
document of the Fourth International where Trotsky wrote:
“The imperialist bourgeoisie dominates the world. In its basic
character the approaching war will therefore be an imperialist war. The
fundamental content of the politics of the international proletariat will
consequently be a struggle against imperialism and its war. In this struggle
the basic principle is: ‘the chief enemy is in your own country,’ or ‘the
defeat of your own (imperialist) government is the lesser evil.”
This is all the more true in a war where revolutionary socialists are duty-bound
to defend a semi-colonial country under attack by imperialism. The SL/ICL
now, belatedly, says it is for defense of Afghanistan, but is it for the
defeat of the U.S.? Not (so far) in the pages of WV.
Since its lurch toward centrism in the mid-’90s in demoralized reaction
to the counterrevolution that destroyed the Soviet Union and the bureaucratically
deformed workers states of East Europe, the SL/ICL has abandoned a series
of fundamental political positions. We have documented in The Internationalist
how the ICL leadership has rejected Trotsky’s analysis of the nature of
the Stalinist bureaucracy and declared that the central conclusion of the
Transitional Program, that the crisis of humanity is reduced to the crisis
of revolutionary leadership of the proletariat, was outdated in the face
of a supposedly qualitative regression in the consciousness of the working
masses. What has made a “great leap backwards” is not the consciousness
of the masses, however, but that of the SL/ICL.
Many of the line changes in WV over the past five years have
had a zigzagging character typical of centrists: for example, suddenly
discovering feudalism in Mexico in order to accuse the IG of rejecting
permanent revolution, then just as abruptly undiscovering this anti-Marxist
notion; calling for an “independent soviet Tibet” when Hollywood and Washington
were in the heat of a “free Tibet” campaign, then abandoning this a year
later. It is noteworthy that many of the SL/ICL’s gyrations are over its
attempts to defend itself against the Internationalist Group and LFI, that
is against the Trotskyist politics the SL once championed. They
also reflect its inability to put forward a revolutionary line every time
there is a new development in the class struggle. But there is a “pink
thread” going through a number of the SL’s key line changes: the Spartacist
League of today has a problem in fighting against its own bourgeoisie.
When the U.S. bombed Iraq in 1997, the SL ridiculed us for calling for
workers action against the war. (So much for SL’s call during the Vietnam
War for workers strikes against the war!) The next year the SL abandoned
the call for independence for Puerto Rico, a position it had held since
its inception, following the line of Trotsky’s Fourth International, instead
calling only for its “right” to independence. (This is the same line the
French CP leaders took when they abandoned the call for independence for
Indochina and Algeria in the 1930s.) It disingenuously calls the IG/LFI
“nationalist” for insisting on independence for all colonies, a key point
for admission to the Communist International under Lenin and Trotsky. In
the present war, the SL has taken a real dive. First it refused to call
for defense of Afghanistan until the bombs started falling, and now it
still refuses to call for defeat of U.S. imperialism’s dirty war. We will
see how they attempt to defend this line in print.
A side point: WV (28 September) comments that “the reformist
left adapts to the bourgeoisies of their respective countries. In West
Europe, this takes the predominant form of anti-Americanism and support
for the social democrats who today administer many of the imperialist states.”
Quite true, and a genuinely internationalist leadership must fight such
chauvinist currents, as we also fight in heavily Muslim countries against
Islamic reaction and bourgeois nationalism. And in the United States today,
one form of adaptation to the bourgeoisie is joining Washington’s chorus
against anti-Americanism and Islamic fundamentalism while not simultaneously
taking a clear position for the defeat of U.S. imperialism.
Historically the defeat of imperialist countries waging colonial wars
has had a tremendous effect in favor not only of the colonial subjects
but also for the working class in the metropolitan country. Look at the
example of France and Algeria. The French defeat at the hands of the Algerian
independence fighters culminating in 1962 demoralized the French bourgeoisie
and helped lead to the worker-student revolt of 1968, which posed the first
potentially revolutionary crisis in Europe in years. Were the U.S. to get
bogged down in drawn-out fighting in Afghanistan, setting off unrest throughout
the Near East and South Asia, this could have tremendous revolutionary
impact throughout Asia while throwing a wrench into attempts by the American
and European bourgeoisies to intensify exploitation and police-state measures
against the working class.
To take advantage of such opportunities requires the intervention of
a Trotskyist vanguard fighting for class war against the imperialist
war. Looking to the example of Lenin’s Bolsheviks, this is what the
Internationalist Group, U.S. section of the League for the Fourth International,
fights for today. Only such a vanguard will be able to dispel pacifist
illusions, while fighting Islamic fundamentalism and bourgeois nationalism
in the semicolonial countries. A party which fails to fight for defeat
of the most vicious state terrorists of all, the rapacious U.S. bourgeoisie
and its blood-soaked military machine, is no vanguard at all. And, needless
to say, it will certainly never be able to arouse the toilers of Asia against
the false leaders they look to today.
25 October 2001 |
To contact the Internationalist Group and the League for the Fourth
International, send e-mail to: internationalistgroup@msn.com
Return
to THE INTERNATIONALIST GROUP Home Page
|