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(November 2011).
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May Day Strike Against the War Shuts
Down
U.S. West Coast Ports
(May 2008)
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|
June 2017
Police
Protect Vastly Outnumbered Racists
Portland Labor Mobilizes
to Stop Fascist Provocation
Militants from 14 Area
Unions Point the Way Forward
Labor mobilization on June 4 was the first significant
labor action against white supremacists in decades.
(Photo: Chad Simmons)
PORTLAND, OR – The rally here on
Sunday, June 4 of white-supremacist and outright fascist
Trump supporters was surrounded by far greater numbers of
furious protesters outraged by this brazen provocation
barely a week after the double murder by a local Nazi. One
of three protests, a mobilization called by Portland Labor
Against the Fascists, brought out several hundred union
members and supporters who gathered to the east of Terry
Schrunk Plaza, where the race-haters were protected by
triple lines of heavily armed local, state and federal
riot police.
Present at the labor mobilization against the fascists
were members of at least 14 area unions, including:
IUPAT (painters) Local 10; IATSE (stage hands) Local 28;
Carpenters Local 1503 and Carpenters Northwest Regional
Council; Laborers Local 483; AFT Oregon (teachers); IWW
(Industrial Workers of the World), Seattle; SEIU Local
503; Iron Workers Local 29; AAUP (university professors);
CWA (telecommunications workers); SAG-AFTRA (actors);
AWPPW (pulp and paper workers); ATU (transit workers)
District 757, and others. The first seven unions earlier
passed coordinated motions calling for “mobilizing against
the clear and present danger that the provocations of
racist and fascist organizations pose to us all.”
Massive cop deployment turned
area around Schrunk Plaza into a police state. (Mike Bivins/Twitter)
Meanwhile, an army of police from seven different
jurisdictions turned downtown Portland into a police state
to ensure that the racist provocation proceeded. Specially
outfitted copmobiles, each with a dozen black-clad state
police standing on the running boards circled the plaza
where the ultra-rightists were gathered. After a standoff
of several hours, the police unleashed volleys of
flash-bang grenades, rubber bullets and tear gas to clear
anti-fascist protesters out of Chapman Square just to the
north of Schrunk Plaza. As they did on May Day, the police
“kettled” the entire area, holding 200 people on the
street as they IDed everyone and picked out individuals to
be detained. Fourteen arrests were reported.
We demand that all antifa and other protesters
arrested on June 4 be released and all charges
dropped, and the same for those arrested on May 1 and
those who were protesting a prior racist rally on
April 29.
The labor mobilization stood its ground to the very end,
with non-stop chants and speeches that reverberated
throughout Terry Schrunk Plaza and the surrounding area
for over six hours. Worker activists stood proud and loud
behind their union banners until the last of the racist
and fascist scum exited on buses protected by the police.
This marks the first significant working-class action in
the U.S. against white supremacists in decades. The
importance of this mobilization goes beyond denouncing the
few hundred reactionaries across the street, and the
horrific lynch murder by one of their number nine days
earlier. June 4 was an important first step in bringing
out the power of Portland’s labor movement in defense of
working people, immigrants, Muslims and all those targeted
by the all-round reactionary offensive coming out of
Washington. It points to the potential for organizing
workers defense guards that could send the fascist vermin
scurrying back into their holes. And it sharply posed the
need for a workers party fighting to overthrow the
capitalist system that breeds fascism, and to replace it
with the liberating rule of the working class.
Months of Work Leading Up to Labor
Mobilization
Painters and Drywallers Union Local 10 calls to break with
all the bosses’ parties and for a workers party.
(Internationalist photo)
The big business press “even-handedly” described the
hours-long confrontation as “dueling protests” (The
Oregonian). “The many extremes of Portland collide
in protest,” said CNN. The Washington Post talked
of counter-protests against a “free speech rally.” These
mouthpieces for official ruling-class opinion peddled the
white supremacists’ claim that they were just defending
constitutional rights. Countering this sinister ploy, the
call
issued on May 24 by Portland Labor Against the Fascists
warned: “They pretend to defend ‘free speech.’ This is a
lie…. The poisonous race-hatred they spew out spawns
lynchings. They must be stopped.” Two days
later, the Nazi racist, well-known to Portland police,
carried out a lynch murder on the MAX train.
Click on image
for text of call for labor mobilization.
The major media tried to disguise the huge disparity in
numbers, but Willamette Week noted that “the
socialists, labor unions and anarchists who showed up
today … outnumbered the right-wing extremists by as much
as 10 to 1.” The antifa mobilization in Chapman Square and
the “Portland United Against Hate” rally at City Hall
numbered well over 1,000 people each. The bosses’ press
gave little play to the labor action, basing themselves on
the numbers of who said they would attend on Facebook
pages. Yet the labor action was not organized on the
Internet and social media but through the unions
themselves, and some 300 unionists and supporters came
out, chanting for hours until the racists climbed on buses
heading back out of Portland.
As tension mounted daily in the run-up to June 4, the Willamette
Week (31 May) published a story headlined “Organized
Labor Groups Pledge Show of Support (And Muscle) on June
4.” The Oregonian (1 June) quoted Ashley Jackson,
spokeswoman for Portland Labor Against the Fascists: “When
asked about the mayor’s calls for non-violence, Jackson
said ‘we can't rely on the city or the government to stop
these people’.” Oregon Public Radio reported on June 3:
“Jackson said her group intended to ‘stop the fascists
from turning Portland into a staging ground for even more
violent racist anti-immigrant attacks.’”
In the aftermath of the Sunday protests, the bourgeois
press as always focused on violence, blaming the antifas
for the police assault. Regarding the labor protest, The
Oregonian reported, “Union organizers gathered on a
Southwest Third Avenue sidewalk and chanted across the
street, ‘Immigrants are here to stay! Nazi scum, go
away!’” The Washington Post noted that “labor
union members clad in helmets and safety vests screamed:
‘Racists! Murderers! Fascists out of Portland!’” The Seattle
Times wrote, “Meanwhile, a group called ‘Portland
Labor against Fascists’ organized a fourth rally. That
protest formed just east of the free-speech rally as
hundreds of people lined a narrow strip of pavement.”
These unions that participated in this labor mobilization
are acutely aware of how racist attacks are used to divide
and weaken labor. As the mobilization call stated:
“Fascists are the deadly enemies of the working class.
They would smash the unions and pave the way for an
unfettered corporate dictatorship. That is why
Portland-area labor and unions in the Pacific
Northwest and beyond have resolved to use our power to
stop them.” Meanwhile, as occurred after the
9/11 attacks, the escalating hysteria is being used to
step up repression. The Amalgamated Transit Union
representing workers of the TriMet system directly
affected by the murders on the MAX light rail train issued
a May 31 statement opposing the city’s ominous plan to put
police officers on trains and buses. The statement read in
part:
“In addition to our support for victims and
survivors, we also wish to express our strong opposition
to the reactionary proposal from TriMet management and
others to increase the presence of armed police officers
aboard our transit system in the wake of this horrific
tragedy…. [E]xperience has taught us that armed police
officers aboard transit vehicles intimidate the public….”
The union called for a “demilitarized,
decriminalized public transit system” and reiterated its
position for free public transit.
The June 4 labor mobilization was the result of months of
work. The initial motion calling for union action against
the fascists was passed on November 16 by Painters Local
10, in response to the explosion of racist attacks
following the election a week earlier of Republican Donald
Trump as president. This followed the groundbreaking
resolution passed by Local 10 last August, calling to
break with the Democrats and Republicans and for a
class-struggle workers party. An official IUPAT banner
with those calls was front and center in the June 4 labor
mobilization. This underscored that while nativist
fascists like the Ku Klux Klan and other violent racists
have been emboldened by Trump’s win, the police power that
has backed them up, in Portland and elsewhere, was greatly
expanded under Democrat Barack Obama.
Class Struggle Workers – Portland presented motions for a
workers party and for workers mobilization to stop fascist
and racist provocations, as well as initiating Portland
Labor Against the Fascists. (Internationalist photo)
The motions for union action against the racists and
fascists and for a workers party were first presented by
supporters of Class Struggle Workers – Portland, a
tendency of labor militants which works fraternally with
the Internationalist Group. The CSWP also initiated
Portland Labor Against the Fascists in mid-May calling for
unions to mobilize to stop the racist rally on June 4, a
proposal which was quickly embraced by their and other
unions. It was publicized through the Northwest Oregon
Labor Council, although leadership of the state AFL-CIO
turned its back on the action. (For more information on
the CSWP initiatives and program, see its publication Bridge
City Militant and other articles on its web
site: https://csw-pdx.org/.)
Racist Double Murder Shocks
Portland to the Core
We fight in the name of our
heroes and martyrs. “To hell with the immigration police!”
(Photo: Chad Simmons)
The urgency of labor action against the racists and
fascists sharply escalated following the May 26 murder of
two courageous men, Ricky Best and Taliesin Myrddin
Namkai-Meche, and near-murder of Micah David-Cole
Fletcher, by a local Nazi, Jeremy Christian. They had come
to the aid of two young African American women, one of
them a Muslim wearing a hijab (Islamic scarf), who the
killer was menacing. The racist double murder shook
liberal Portland’s smug self-image to the core. Yet this
is the whitest major city in the U.S. and in the
not-so-distant past it was a hotbed of fascist skinheads.
The state of Oregon was founded as a “racist white
utopia,” in the words of an analyst of black history in
the Pacific Northwest, and had a host of “sundown” towns
with laws to keep out black people and other non-whites
(see “Portland’s
dark
history of white supremacy,” Guardian (U.S.
edition), 31 May).
On the evening of May 27, an emotional vigil brought well
over 1,000 people to the Hollywood transit center where
the racist lynching took place. Jackson spoke in the name
of the CSWP, saying she had just returned from the
hospital and would never forget how she saw Micah being
wheeled out of surgery with a deep gash from the stab
wound in his neck. She said, “On June 4 there are white
supremacists, fascist organizers, coming to town. We
cannot let fascism organize in our streets [and] march in
our streets. We have to say ‘no’!” When Mayor Ted Wheeler
spoke, many booed. Portland Labor Against the Fascists and
the Pacific Northwest Anti-Fascist Workers Collective
passed out hundreds of leaflets to the crowd. (Click here
for the Portland Labor Against the Fascists statement
distributed at the May 27 vigil.)
As Portland reeled under the shock of the hideous
murders, thousands of Portlanders wanted to take action to
stop the killing. However, this effort was undermined by a
diversion at City Hall organized by the social democrats
of the International Socialist Organization (ISO) along
with various liberals in collaboration with city
authorities, which explicitly opposed confronting the
fascists. Mayor Wheeler, who is also police commissioner,
initially tried to get the federal government to ban the
racist rally. When that was denied, he opted instead for
massive police deployment combined with the City Hall
“unity against hate” love-in. Yet despite warnings of
all-sided violence, as noon approached on Sunday, you
could see many people walking across the bridges to
downtown Portland with homemade signs to protest the
racists.
Hundreds of union members and supporters in Portland, OR
came out on June 4 to oppose racist/fascist rally.
(Internationalist photo)
At the labor mobilization, organizers emphasized the
vital importance of bringing out the enormous strength of
the working class, chanting “Drive the Nazis out! Portland
labor has the clout!” “Portland, this is the hour –
immigrant/black/union power!” and “We’re here to shut the
Nazis down, Portland is a union town!” In opposition to
the massive police mobilization, protesters shouted,
“Fascist terror we must stop – Don’t beg the mayor, don’t
beg the cops!” And they stressed the need for labor to
take up the fight against all forms of social oppression,
chanting “Muslim rights, union rights, same struggle, same
fight, workers of the world, unite!” This message was
repeated over and over for black rights, women’s rights,
gay rights, trans rights, abortion rights and immigrant
rights.
The chants were taken up by the crowd and boomed out by
the mobile sound system put together by union workers.
Demonstrators called out the names of our martyrs Ricky
Best and Taliesen Namkai-Meche, Mulugeta Seraw (an
Ethiopian student murdered by white supremacists in
Portland in the 1980s), Richard Collins (the black student
stabbed to death by a racist at the University of Maryland
only two weeks ago), Larnell Bruce (the young African
American run down by a white supremacist in nearby Gresham
last August), Matthew Shepard (the gay man tortured to
death in Wyoming), James Byrd (the black man dragged to
his death by white supremacists in Texas) and Trayvon
Martin, murdered by a racist vigilante in Florida.
The most class-conscious union militants took up the
chants to “Break with the Democrats – Build a workers
party!” and “Remember Hiroshima, remember Vietnam –
Democratic Party, we know which side you’re on.” The fact
that many protesters do not yet understand the nature of
the Democratic Party underscores the need to explain, as a
CSWP member did on the mike, the role of this capitalist
party in fostering war, racism and attacks on the unions.
Then, just as the police moved to drive out the antifa
militants in Chapman Square with volleys of flash-bang
grenades and tear gas, a speaker for the Internationalist
Group declared:
“We have to know who are our friends and who are
our enemies. We cannot rely on the police to clear out the
fascists. We’re looking right now as the police are
attacking hundreds of people who came out here to say the
fascists have no place in Portland. The people who called
for a counter-demonstration that was not going to try to
stop the fascists, collaborating with the police and with
the mayor, are undercutting the necessary struggle.
“So we’re watching here today the capitalist
state in action. We need to mobilize the power of our
class, of the working class, to be able to throw the
fascists out, to drive them out of Portland. The people
who were rallying over there [the antifa protest in
Chapman Square] are on the side of the working class.
They’re opposed to the fascists, and the state has
protected this racist scum over here [in Schrunk Plaza],
the same people that spawned these murders, the double
murder and near murder of the brave people who stood up
for Muslim women.
Police attacked antifa
protesters with flash-bang grenades, tear gas and rubber
bullets.
(Scott Olson/Getty Images)
“It’s necessary to mobilize our power of the
working class, politically – because this is directed
against immigrants. Trump says he wants to deport 11
million immigrants. Under Obama, the Democrats already
deported 5 to 8 million immigrants.
“We need to organize our own class party, a
workers party, and it has to be internationalist, [it] has
to defend Muslims, blacks, women, and it has to be a party
with a revolutionary program to overthrow this capitalist
system which we are seeing in action right now. We need a
revolutionary workers party, and workers united action. In
the 1930s Trotsky called for workers united action. That
is what we need today, and not just against the fascists
but also against the defenders of the capitalist state.”
Then as the fascists and racists in
Schrunk Plaza cheered the police assault on the
antifascists, chanting “U.S.A., U.S.A.,” celebrating and
lusting for blood after each explosion or shot rang out,
the labor protesters responded chanting “Fascists out!
Fascists out!”
Sinister Fascists in Schrunk Plaza
Billed as a “Trump Free Speech
Rally,” the plaza was chock full of neo-Nazis and
paleo-fascists who thirst for genocide, all under police
protection.
(Natalie Behring/Getty Images)
Many of the participants in the June 4 “Trump Free Speech
Rally” may have been your run-of-the-mill
white-supremacist right-wingers, but the motley crowd of a
few hundred was shot through with neo-Nazis,
paleo-fascists and militias. The Vancouver, Washington man
who called the rally, Joey Gibson, has two fronts, Patriot
Prayer (which also called the April 29 rally where the
murderer Jeremy Christian was giving Nazi salutes and
calling to “kill Muslims”) and his militia, Warriors for
Freedom, LLC. Among the Hitlerites were the Traditionalist
Workers Party with its “Diversity = White Genocide” signs
and Identity Evropa, whose local rep was photographed
shaking hands with Christian on the April 29 march .
The self-promoting social-media fascists “Based Stickman”
(Kyle Chapman from the Bay Area), “Based Spartan” (Pat
Washington from Seattle) and “Baked Alaska” (Tim Gionet,
originally from Anchorage) flew in to sign autographs for
their alt-right fans and prance around for the cameras.
But there were also sinister fascist “Patriot” militias,
the “Oath Keepers” and the “III Percenters” in olive drab,
who patrolled Schrunk Plaza on June 4. These paramilitary
groups boast of many active-duty police and ex-military,
and the thugs with yellow stripes on their makeshift
uniforms worked closely together with the police.
Cops and fascists go hand in
hand, literally. “III Percenter” militia member helps
police arrest anti-racist. (Bryan
M. Vance/Oregon Public Broadcasting)
This is now well-documented with multiple videos and
photos. In one case, a slightly built anti-racist who had
ventured into Schrunk Plaza ran from a helmeted III
Percenter and was slammed to the ground by a Warriors for
Freedom leader. Homeland Security Rapid Protection Force
police then moved in to arrest the anti-racist, and the
III Percenter who was chasing him pulled a zip-tie
handcuff from the federal agent’s belt and handed it to
the agent. This happened across the street from the
Portland Labor Against the Fascists demo and on videos you
can hear incensed union supporters loudly yelling,
“Racists! Murderers! Fascists out of Portland!”
Still, with the racists vastly outnumbered and the Plaza
surrounded on three sides, if it was not for the massive
police presence and the diversion by the liberals and
reformist leftists who organized the City Hall rally in
coordination with the mayor/police chief, the racist
provocation by white supremacists and Nazi lovers could
have been stopped. The significant turnout of union
members and supporters on June 4 in a labor action against
the fascists, unprecedented in recent years, shows the
potential. And there will certainly be a next time, as
decaying capitalism spawns the fascist gangs who would
destroy the organizations of labor and unleash deadly
violence against all the oppressed.
Trotsky on the Struggle Against
Fascism
There has been lots of loose talk on the left labeling
Trump a fascist. The Maoists of the utterly reformist
Revolutionary Communist Party (RCP) and its
RefuseFascism.org liberal front group call to “drive out
the fascist Trump/Pence regime.” In practice that means
bringing back the Democrats. So the “fascist” label serves
to justify an “anti-fascist popular front” with another
section of the capitalist ruling class. But as we wrote
earlier this year, “being a vicious anti-Mexican,
anti-Arab, anti-black race-hater, a sexist and national
chauvinist, a union-basher and advocate of unfettered
police power, does not in itself make Trump a fascist.” We
noted that in the U.S. today, there is not a mass fascist
movement, since the ruling class does not feel immediately
threatened by a radicalized working class, mainly due to
the sabotage of struggles by the pro-capitalist
bureaucratic misleaders of labor. Still, “actual fascists
are crawling out of their holes and looking forward to the
Trump years” (see “Donald Trump, the ‘Alt-Right’ and
Fascism,” The Internationalist No. 46,
January-February 2017).
Both in the 1930s and today, the growth of fascism was/is
a result of capitalist economic crisis. Since the
2007-2008 crash we are in an ongoing worldwide depression.
Despite lying government statistics, there are still tens
of millions of unemployed. This has bolstered fascist
parties like Golden Dawn in Greece and the National Front
in France, and has spawned new fascist outfits in the U.S.
As Trotsky wrote of Hitler’s Nazis in Germany: “Through
the fascist agency, capitalism sets in motion the masses
of the crazed petty bourgeoisie and the bands of declassed
and demoralized lumpenproletariat – all the countless
human beings whom finance capital itself has brought to
desperation and frenzy” (“What Next? Vital Questions for
the German Proletariat” [1932]).
The capitalist rulers resort to these terror gangs to
preserve their endangered rule. That the fascists are not
just some “fringe groups” or “fight clubs” was underscored
by the recent statement by the top Republican official in
Portland that his party was considering using militias,
“like the Oath Keepers and the Three Percenters,” as a
“security force” for public events rather than relying on
police (Guardian [U.S. edition], 29 May). And the
fact that newly formed fascist groups are forming squads
to attack antifa groups, like Chapman’s “Fraternal Order
of Alt-Knights” linked to the “Proud Boys,” or the “DIY
Division” that appeared with swastikas at a pro-Trump
“Make America Great Again” (MAGA) rally in Orange County,
California in March, underscores that they are gearing up
for violent street-fighting, and ultimately civil war.
The fascists use vulnerable sectors as scapegoats. In
Germany the Nazis demonized Jews as the “enemy within.” In
the U.S.A. today, their prime targets are Muslims,
immigrants and African Americans. And they are deadly
dangerous. In November 2015, a III Percenter shot five
people at a Black Lives Matter encampment in Minneapolis
protesting the cop killing of Jamar Clark. This
underscores the need for class-struggle militants to
redouble efforts to build effective workers mobilizations
to drive out the ultra-rightist racist and fascist thugs.
As the Nazi fascists were threatening to seize power in
Germany, the Bolshevik revolutionary Leon Trotsky urgently
called on Communists and Socialists and the unions to join
in united-front actions to stop these killers who would
sweep away all the rights and gains won by the workers
movement and with them the last vestiges of bourgeois
democracy.
Permanente Revolution, the
newspaper of the German Trotskyists, in February
1933, immediately following Hitler taking power: “The
Terror Begins! Act Immediately with a United Front.”
Tragically, these warnings went unheeded, and Hitler took
power in 1933, voted in by parliament without resistance
by the Stalinists and social democrats. The next year, as
provocations by fascists and other ultra-rightists erupted
in France, Trotsky wrote insistently that to counter the
fascist gangs, “what is needed is a workers’ militia.”
He explained: “The struggle against Fascism is basically a
political struggle which needs a militia just as the
strike needs pickets. Basically, the picket is the embryo
of the workers’ militia” (L.D. Trotsky, Whither
France? [1934]). Yet, he added, “The militia in
itself does not settle the question. A correct policy
is necessary.” And that requires above all the
leadership of a revolutionary workers party with a program
to sweep away the capitalist system which breeds and makes
use of the fascists.
Yet the policy of the Stalinists and social democrats was
instead to form “anti-fascist popular fronts” chaining the
workers to the supposedly “democratic” bourgeois parties
that everywhere served as a roadblock to prevent
revolution, leading to bloody defeats at the hands of
fascists and militarists, from Spain and France in the
1930s to Chile in the 1970s. On a vastly smaller scale,
that is what the City Hall rally on June 4 represented: an
alliance with the Democratic Party mayor against
trying to stop the fascists.
Trotsky wrote in the Transitional Program (1938), the
founding document of the Fourth International, that
“‘People’s Fronts’ on the one hand – fascism on the other:
these are the last political resources of imperialism in
the struggle against the proletarian revolution.” He went
on:
“The struggle against fascism does not start in
the liberal editorial office but in the factory – and ends
in the street. Scabs and private gunmen in factory plants
are the basic nuclei of the fascist army. Strike pickets
are the basic nuclei of the proletarian army. This is our
point of departure. In connection with every strike and
street demonstration, it is imperative to propagate the
necessity of creating workers’ groups for self-defense.
It is necessary to write this slogan into the program of
the revolutionary wing of the trade unions.”
These were not just words on paper. The Trotskyists in
Minneapolis, who at the head of a Teamsters local waged a
successful general strike in 1934, formed a union defense
guard that ran the Silver Shirts, a fascist gang sponsored
by big business interests, out of town. (A few years
later, in 1940, the government jailed the Minneapolis
Teamster leaders on trumped-up charges over the defense
guards, and then the next year imprisoned the Trotskyist
leaders for their revolutionary opposition to the
imperialist Second World War.)
Threatened by Silver Shirt fascists, in August 1938 the
Trotskyist-led Minneapolis truck drivers formed a Union
Defense Guard (above) that drove the fascists out of town.
The U.S. later charged them with “sedition” for their
revolutionary opposition to the imperialists’ World War
II. (Monad Press)
Only Workers Power Can Smash the
Fascists
Today, following the election of Donald Trump, a new
generation of fascists are raising are heads. They are
still small in numbers, and can be crushed. But sheer
numbers of opponents are not enough. So long as the unions
and black, women’s, gay and immigrant rights organizations
are bound to the Democratic Party, they cannot
defeat the fascists, for the violent partisans of Trump
have the same class interests as Obama, Clinton
and Bernie Sanders: they all defend capitalism. Writing in
the lead-up to the November elections, we called for a
revolutionary workers party with a program of sharp class
struggle, including “for workers defense guards to defeat
strikebreakers and fascist gangs” (“The Election From
Hell, Whoever Wins, We Lose,” The Internationalist No.
45, September-October 2016).
The Internationalist Group has continued to fight for
workers mobilization against the fascists, and for
building workers defense guards. In our article written
the day after the election, we warned: “As violent racist
and outright fascist forces are emboldened by Trump’s
victory, Muslims and Middle Eastern immigrants in
particular may be singled out for attack. Class-conscious
militants should begin the work now of building workers
defense guards, based on the mass
organizations of the working class and oppressed, to
counter this threat” (“Post-Traumatic Election Shock:
Defeat Trump … And the Democrats, Fight for Workers
Revolution!” The Internationalist No. 46,
January-February 2017).
As with the Trotskyists in the 1930s, our revolutionary
program is not empty rhetoric but a guide to action. In
the Pacific Northwest, as reports circulated of plans for
race-hate rallies by fascist groups like the Ku Klux Klan,
members of Class Struggle Workers – Portland put forward
the resolution passed by Painters Local 10 to mobilize
against provocations by the KKK and other racist
forces. As we wrote earlier this year: “Revolutionists
should seek to organize mass labor-centered mobilizations
to crush the fascist provocateurs as they attempt to make
forays into urban centers of the multiracial working
class.” The June 4 labor action is the product of that
effort. And as we noted then: “In the context of such a
mobilization, a squad of demonstration marshals could
become the nucleus for labor-based defense guards that can
effectively disperse the lynchers and Nazi scum” (“Donald
Trump, the ‘Alt-Right’ and Fascism”).
The June 4 action was a major achievement for
class-conscious workers in Portland, demonstrating that
workers action is possible, gaining political authority
and carrying out the political program put forward by the
Internationalist Group of working-class mobilization
against the racists. This mobilization should spur workers
and those who would oppose the race-haters and
immigrant-bashers to action throughout the U.S. and
beyond. As the first significant labor mobilization
against fascists in the U.S. in decades, it sets a
starting point for building workers defense guards against
the white-supremacist gangs. And as the banners of the
CSWP and the Painters union highlighted, to unchain the
power of the working class it is essential to break with
the Democrats and Republicans, and build a class-struggle
workers party.
June 4 is only a beginning. We were aided by our
collective past experience in organizing to stop the
fascists in the U.S. in the 1980s and to defend immigrants
against Nazi threats in Germany in the early 1990s. We
also learned a lot in the course of the intense activity
of the last two weeks. A key challenge in the coming
struggles will be to greatly expand the core of marshals
coming from several unions and to undertake systematic
training. Building an organized workers defense will be
crucial not only against the fascists but also in the
struggle to stop the deportations of immigrants, as well
as to defend Muslims, blacks, Latinos, women, gays and
lesbians against the forces that spewed their venom in
Schrunk Plaza on Sunday.
Above all it is necessary to wage the vital political
struggle against the labor bureaucracy and reformist
misleaders who would tie the workers to the Democratic
Party and rely on the very police who protected fascists
and arrested the anti-fascists, and to forge a
revolutionary workers party to lead the socialist
revolution that alone can wipe out the scourge of fascism,
once and for all. The welfare, safety and very lives of
working people and the oppressed in Portland and elsewhere
depend on successfully waging and winning this key class
battle. ■
The labor mobilization stood its ground for over six
hours, until the last of the fascists departed.
(Internationalist photo)
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